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This article examines the role of corporate identity in Iran’s foreign policy making. Drawing on interviews with Iranian stakeholders and an analysis of Iran’s political developments, this article surveys the three key elements of Iranian nationalism that shape Iranian foreign policy: Iranism, Islam and Shi’ism. This article finds that each of these is crucial in explaining the apparent contradictions in the approaches of several significant Iranian leaders, especially in cases where Iranism collides with religious values. By highlighting how each component is at once unique but still intrinsically linked to the others, this article demonstrates how Iran’s foreign policy choices can be understood in relation to its corporate identity.  相似文献   
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Among Dr. Akbarzadeh's latest publications are Uzbekistan and the United States: Authoritarianism, Islamism and Washington's Security Agenda ( London: Zed Books, 2005) and Islam and the West: Reflections from Australia (Sydney: UNSWPress, 2005). Ms. Connor researches Islamic militancy in the West.1  相似文献   
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Entomological material may be used to estimate the time since death occurred (postmortem interval, PMI) in forensically obscure cases. The method that is commonly used to calculate minimum post-mortem interval (mPMI, i.e., the least amount of time since one can be confident death occurred) is based on the relationship between insect development and ambient temerature. Isomegalen and isomorphen diagrams are among methods allowing to calculate the age of necorphagous insects, yet thermal summation models provide the most precise and acurate estimations. The digrams are prepared based on the length or the developmental stages of the larvae as a function of time and mean ambient temperature. A knowledge of thermal requirements, in particular lower temperature threshold (Dz) at which development of a species terminates, is of essential importance to calculate ADD (Accumulated Degree Days). In this study different temperature regimes were used to construct the isomorphen diagram, examinate changes in larval body length at different ambient temperatures and to estimate the thermal requirements for developemnt of Chrysomya albiceps, the most common dipteran species reported on human and animal cadavers in Iran. Six development events including hatching, 1st ecdysis, 2nd ecdysis, wandering, pupariation and eclosion were studied under eleven constant temperature regims (17–37 0C). The development rate of Ch. albiceps increased as temperature increased. The larval length peaked at the end of third stage and then decreased at wandering stage. The maximum larval length occurred at 72 h post oviposition at either 31, 33, or 35 °C. At 17 °C, larvae did not hatch from eggs and at 37 °C wandering larvae did not proceed to pupariation, and thus larval development were analysed at the nine left over temperatures. The development stages required at least (Dz ± SE) 13.04 ± 0.37, 14.29 ± 0.45, 15.69 ± 0.56, 15.18 ± 0.56, 14.94 ± 0.48, and 11.23 ± 0.41 °C to reach one of the successive developmentl events, respectively. The estimated thermal summation constant (k) for those the six events were 10.43 ± 0.27, 19.31 ± 0.32, 27.87 ± 1.3, 55.94 ± 1.82, 66.69 ± 3.5, and 143.52 ± 5.61 ADD accordingly.  相似文献   
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The Kurdish population in Iran feels disenfranchised and excluded from the political system. Based on an original survey of Iranian Kurds, it is revealed that Kurds lack trust and confidence in the central government and do not exhibit any emotional connection with Iranian identity or the Islamic Republic of Iran. Overwhelmingly, survey respondents put their Kurdish identity and affiliations as the primary point of reference. This emotional and political disconnect with Iran poses a serious challenge to the incumbent regime. It is an affront to the official rhetoric of ethnic unity and Iranian solidarity that is reinforced by Islamic principles under the Islamic Republic of Iran. This has led the incumbent regime to opt for a security response to a clearly political challenge. However, as the survey data in this research reveals, the securitisation of Iran’s response to its Kurdish population is only widening the gap, and aggravating the situation. The securitised approach to Kurdish aspirations for inclusion and acceptance is a counterproductive strategy with significant risks for the Islamic Republic of Iran.  相似文献   
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