全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1267篇 |
免费 | 46篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 90篇 |
工人农民 | 56篇 |
世界政治 | 105篇 |
外交国际关系 | 105篇 |
法律 | 550篇 |
中国政治 | 12篇 |
政治理论 | 383篇 |
综合类 | 12篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 7篇 |
2021年 | 8篇 |
2020年 | 15篇 |
2019年 | 30篇 |
2018年 | 32篇 |
2017年 | 51篇 |
2016年 | 39篇 |
2015年 | 19篇 |
2014年 | 27篇 |
2013年 | 223篇 |
2012年 | 28篇 |
2011年 | 35篇 |
2010年 | 38篇 |
2009年 | 39篇 |
2008年 | 33篇 |
2007年 | 34篇 |
2006年 | 45篇 |
2005年 | 43篇 |
2004年 | 36篇 |
2003年 | 37篇 |
2002年 | 39篇 |
2001年 | 30篇 |
2000年 | 20篇 |
1999年 | 27篇 |
1998年 | 29篇 |
1997年 | 15篇 |
1996年 | 19篇 |
1995年 | 16篇 |
1994年 | 17篇 |
1993年 | 14篇 |
1992年 | 26篇 |
1991年 | 22篇 |
1990年 | 15篇 |
1989年 | 13篇 |
1988年 | 20篇 |
1987年 | 15篇 |
1986年 | 24篇 |
1985年 | 15篇 |
1984年 | 10篇 |
1983年 | 11篇 |
1982年 | 15篇 |
1981年 | 7篇 |
1980年 | 7篇 |
1979年 | 14篇 |
1978年 | 6篇 |
1977年 | 12篇 |
1976年 | 8篇 |
1975年 | 5篇 |
1974年 | 6篇 |
1973年 | 7篇 |
排序方式: 共有1313条查询结果,搜索用时 62 毫秒
51.
Matthew Alan Placek 《Democratization》2017,24(4):632-650
Since 1989, many of the former communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have made the dramatic change from communist regimes to democratic nations that are integrated in the European sphere. While these sweeping changes have given rise to a successful transition to democracy unlike any the world has ever seen, there remain issues with governance as well as citizen support for the regime. While other studies have shown that mass media can influence a person's attitudes and opinions in the region, none has explored what effect social media can have on orientations toward democracy in the region. In the following paper, I build several hypotheses based on previous studies of media effects and democratic survival. I then employ survey data to empirically test whether social media increases support for democracy. The study finds that not only does using social media increase support for democracy, but also simple usage rather than information seeking provides more consistent effects on a person's support for democracy in CEE. 相似文献
52.
Alan Holiman 《欧亚研究》2009,61(2):283-311
The paper reviews the experience of the group Nord-Ost (The Regional Social Organisation for Assistance and Defence of the Victims of Terrorist Acts) as an example of an NGO that has taken a rights advocacy position which has led it into confrontation with the state. Nord-Ost demands the state's accountability for the consequences of its response to the 2002 Dubrovka terrorist attack. Thus, it confronts challenges common to other rights advocacy groups in Russia today. 相似文献
53.
54.
55.
Alan P. Dobson 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(1):136-160
Between 1944 and 2002, the United States sought to create a competitive and commercially driven international civil aviation regime. It tried to peel away politically inspired regulations, which fragmented the marketplace, and deliver efficiencies and consumer benefits. In contrast with the American liberal tradition—albeit with limitations—the industry in Europe was over-regulated and largely based on subsidised state-owned carriers with international market quotas. Thus for many years Europe and the U.S. followed different paths; but political and economic dynamics conspired together in the 1980s and early 1990s to produce remarkable change in the European Community and, by 1997, there were the makings of a competitive and lightly regulated single market, which brought it close to U.S. practice. Since 2002, the United States has been less liberal in its airline policies; the EU has been more liberal. It would be an irony indeed if the great regime liberaliser since 1944 were now to become a force of regulatory conservatism that denied consummation to the vision of a transatlantic open aviation area that could be a magnet to draw in the rest of the world into a truly global commercial airline market. 相似文献
56.
57.
58.
59.
Alan S. Zuckerman 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2007,48(4):633-649
The Social Logic of Politics places social learning at the center of political choice. People develop their political preferences,
knowledge, values, perceptions of ability, and decisions about political behavior in interactions with others, usually members
of their social circles. Political attitudes and goals are not derivatives of exogenous economic preferences. They are not
the results of careful calculations, in which optimization of personal needs guides the mode of reasoning. This theoretical
stance draws sustenance from recent work across the social science, even as it harkens back to established, if neglected principles
of political analysis.
My thanks to Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck for his encouragement and for the critical comments of several anonymous referees and to
Josip Dasović and Jennifer Fitzgerald, my co-authors of Partisan Families: the Social Logic of Bounded Partisanship in Germany
and Britain (Zuckerman et al. 2007). Material from that book appears in this essay. 相似文献
60.
We investigate the role of payoff asymmetry in laboratory prisoner’s dilemma games. Symmetric and asymmetric games are examined in simultaneous and sequential settings. In the asymmetric sequential games, we study the impact of having payoff advantaged players moving either first or second. Asymmetry reduces the rates of cooperation in simultaneous games. In sequential games, asymmetry interacts with order of play such that the rate of cooperation is highest when payoff disadvantaged players move first. 相似文献