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231.
The medicolegal death investigation system in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) is unique in the world. It is exclusively derived from Islamic judiciary based on Shari'ah law, which is the definitive Islamic law or doctrine. This law is applied on Saudi citizens as well as foreigners. This is different from other Islamic countries, which have a combination of Islamic and other judiciary systems.The forensic medicine centers in KSA are related administratively to the Ministry of Health (MOH) and its subdivisions in the different governorates. They are concerned with forensic medical examination and autopsy, as well as the clinical forensic medical examination of sexual assault cases, and those injured in civil and criminal cases. The assisting laboratories (forensic histopathology, microbiology, serology, forensic chemistry) are working independently under the funding of MOH, whereas the DNA laboratory and other departments of forensic sciences, for example, counterfeiting and forgery unit are related administratively to the Ministry of Interior represented by the Administration of Criminal Evidences. Efforts concerning crime scene investigations are shared with Administration of Criminal Evidences' crime scene investigators.Forensic medicine education in KSA developed in the past few years after the foundation of Saudi specialty certificate in forensic medicine. The certificate is a postgraduation qualification equivalent to a doctorate degree in forensic medicine and requires completion of a 4-year training program in both MOH- and Ministry of Interior-related departments, as well as passing annual evaluation and examination.This review is aimed at providing in the next decade the medicolegal centers with national forensic specialists throughout the kingdom and granting skillful headships for the next generations. Moreover, this review suggests more scientific associations with the academic universities in the various fields of forensic sciences through academic cooperation.  相似文献   
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Hypernatremia has been causally linked with subdural hematoma (SDH), but more recently this has been called into question. Conversely, there is a well-established link between SDH and injury. We wish to examine the evidence base that hypernatremia in infants and young children causes SDH.We present 2 cases of children with severe hypernatremia whose intracranial contents were assessed by imaging in the first case and postmortem examination in the second. Neither demonstrated SDH. The first case was important as the hypernatremia was iatrogenic occurring in a controlled hospital environment.We also searched the literature from 1950 to 2007, collecting data on all reported cases of hypernatremia in children younger than 7 years whose intracranial contents were examined by imaging, surgery, and/or postmortem examination. Of 124 cases reported in 31 articles, 112 cases developed hypernatremia in the community, and 12 in the hospital. Subdural hematoma was demonstrated in 7 cases, all of which had developed hypernatremia in the community under circumstances that would make it difficult to exclude nonaccidental injury. None of the 12 cases that developed hypernatremia in a controlled hospital environment had SDH.The evidence base supporting the hypothesis that hypernatremia causes SDH is poor, depending on isolated reports with uncertain histories.  相似文献   
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Contemporary development theory and policy research puts an overarching emphasis on institution building as a key driver of change in developing countries. Over the past few decades, decentralisation reforms have played out as the linchpin of such institution building efforts, advocated by international development agencies and favoured by national governments. This article examines decentralisation reforms implemented in Pakistan under the Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers initiative through a case study of the implementation and outcomes of Devolution Plan (DP) in Khyber Pukhtunkhwa province. Promulgated by General Musharaf in 2000, the DP aimed to restructure and rebuild political and administrative structures, to redress key issues of governance, resource distribution, and service delivery. The Local Government System (LGS) was a key reform element within the DP, but it lost traction and was abolished in 2008/09. This article demonstrates two important factors, regime legitimisation and the preservation of clientelistic politics, that have profoundly shaped implementation of the DP. The findings demonstrate how the implementation of this large-scale internationally supported attempt at institution building ultimately succumbed to a range of particularistic interests.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

How do ruling political parties accommodate their members’ demand for access to state patronage with a push for merit-based bureaucratic reform? I argue that political commitment to reform is contingent on electoral calculations within the party. Therefore, distortions in reform implementation reveal not only dynamics within the party itself, but also the significance of appointing the right bureaucrats to the right posts to regulate access to patronage. Drawing on qualitative fieldwork in Punjab, I contextualise political commitment to bureaucratic reform to provide an explanation for their unsustainability and for persistently low state capacity in countries with weak, patronage-reliant parties.  相似文献   
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This article studies materials published in the Bonyad Monthly, a journal sponsored by the Pahlavi state. It was published for two years (1977–78), just prior to the 1979 Revolution in Iran. Bonyad Monthly’s mission was to engage in the ongoing intellectual debates at the time in Iran’s encounter with modernity. It primarily published articles, interviews and translations, with the aim of exposing the cultural and moral perils of modern western culture. The writers of Bonyad Monthly cast the modern world as morally soulless, culturally debased, politically imperial and arrogant. The Journal also depicted Iranian culture as the mirror image of the modern west, and part of the rising “Eastern spiritual” resurrection. More specifically, Bonyad Monthly helped invert and de-politicize the notion of Gharbzadegi (Westoxification). The Gharbzadegi discourse, a powerful rhetorical device, had been used by oppositional intellectuals to condemn the Pahlavi modernization programme. It was now ironically claimed by the Pahlavi state and used to craft a new state-sponsored anti-modern ideology. This signified a major ideological turning point for the modernizing state in Iran. The editor and writers of Bonyad Monthly were influenced by a broader anti-modernist current around the Pahlavi State. Very prominent scholars such as Henry Corbin, Ahmad Fardid, Hussein Nasr and Ehsan Naraghi articulated anti-modernist ideas, calling for the return to Persian and Islamic spiritual identity. This article discusses the ironies and complexities of a modernizing state imagining itself as the champion of anti-modern ideas and traditions.  相似文献   
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We report the results of an experiment investigating the provision of a step-level collective good. This experiment compares the behavior of subjects in a public good game with the behavior of subjects in a club good game. In the club good game, players who do not contribute the membership fee are excluded from the consumption of the collective good. The introduction of a small membership fee has surprisingly strong effects: it increases the provision of the collective good, delays provision failures and increases the number of contributors. The experiment also reveals the limits of the introduction of a small fee. At a high threshold level, the membership fee no longer ensures successful provision.  相似文献   
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