全文获取类型
收费全文 | 2694篇 |
免费 | 69篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 312篇 |
工人农民 | 64篇 |
世界政治 | 147篇 |
外交国际关系 | 135篇 |
法律 | 1599篇 |
中国共产党 | 8篇 |
中国政治 | 13篇 |
政治理论 | 477篇 |
综合类 | 8篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 17篇 |
2022年 | 20篇 |
2021年 | 34篇 |
2020年 | 62篇 |
2019年 | 71篇 |
2018年 | 134篇 |
2017年 | 126篇 |
2016年 | 153篇 |
2015年 | 125篇 |
2014年 | 85篇 |
2013年 | 262篇 |
2012年 | 114篇 |
2011年 | 102篇 |
2010年 | 104篇 |
2009年 | 132篇 |
2008年 | 144篇 |
2007年 | 183篇 |
2006年 | 166篇 |
2005年 | 95篇 |
2004年 | 94篇 |
2003年 | 70篇 |
2002年 | 77篇 |
2001年 | 66篇 |
2000年 | 61篇 |
1999年 | 33篇 |
1998年 | 20篇 |
1997年 | 15篇 |
1996年 | 10篇 |
1995年 | 8篇 |
1994年 | 12篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 10篇 |
1991年 | 14篇 |
1990年 | 12篇 |
1989年 | 14篇 |
1988年 | 12篇 |
1987年 | 11篇 |
1986年 | 10篇 |
1985年 | 14篇 |
1984年 | 6篇 |
1983年 | 10篇 |
1982年 | 3篇 |
1981年 | 13篇 |
1979年 | 9篇 |
1978年 | 6篇 |
1974年 | 2篇 |
1973年 | 3篇 |
1972年 | 2篇 |
1970年 | 2篇 |
1964年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有2763条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
861.
Marco Bünte 《Contemporary Politics》2018,24(3):346-360
ABSTRACTAlthough Myanmar's transition from military rule has been thoroughly studied, research into the evolving presidential system is lacking. This article maps Myanmar's unique hybrid form of presidentialism and characterises executive-legislative relations between 2012 and 2017. It not only examines institutions themselves but also explores how actors within them have acted and shifted strategically. It is argued that elite-behaviour determines how institutions work. Myanmar's 2008 constitution imposed by the military established a hybrid presidential system with a formally powerful president. The first phase under President Thein Sein saw competitive yet cooperative executive-legislative relations between President Thein Sein and the ambitious House Speaker Shwe Mann, both members of the former military regime. However, this power-sharing arrangement of former members of the military regime became increasingly fragile with the rise of Aung San Suu Kyi and her attempt to change the 2008 constitution. After the election victory of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and the passage of the state counsellor law, a de facto semi-presidential system was established – Burmese style. Since then, the frontline has been between the civilian and military parts of the administration. 相似文献
862.
Existing studies on electoral turnout in times of economic crisis have predominantly focused on disadvantaged voters. However, during the recent economic crisis, turnout among highly educated citizens has strongly declined as well. Existing resource-based theories of political participation cannot account for this. This article suggests that the anticipation of government inefficacy is an important driver of abstention among highly educated. Where governments are severely constrained, these citizens anticipate that the hands of future governments will be tied. Hence they are more likely to abstain out of frustration or rational calculations. The study uses the recent economic crisis as test case, as it entails particularly acute constraints on several European governments. The cross-sectional and longitudinal evidence – based on ESS survey data and different measures of government constraint in 28 European countries – provides ample support for the argument. 相似文献
863.
864.
Özgün E. Topak 《Citizenship Studies》2017,21(1):1-21
This paper focuses on the 300 Migrant Hunger Strikers event in Greece to explore the material conditions of possibility for migrant politics in times of crisis. It identifies three elements that played determinant roles in the articulation of the event: the politics of equality enacted by migrants, the ethics of hospitality and witnessing enacted by the Greek activists and host populations and the sacredness of the event. Critically engaging with the theories of Rancière, Derrida, Agamben and Durkheim, this paper demonstrates how these elements encountered and how their encounter helped migrants to achieve rights, albeit limited and temporary. Moving beyond the particularity of the event, this paper also highlights the event’s importance for migrant politics in times of austerity, and increased surveillance and racism against migrants. Despite its limited and temporary success, the event demonstrates how a politics of equality, ethical openness and respect for human life can form the basis of true cosmopolitan universality. The event also demonstrates how cosmopolitan universality is constructed from below by the migrants, who despite their undocumented status, engaged in an act of citizenship to demand equality. 相似文献
865.
Andreas Önnerfors 《Patterns of Prejudice》2017,51(2):159-175
In the aftermath of the Norwegian terror attacks of 22 July 2011, the question of agency with regard to the convicted perpetrator, Anders Behring Breivik, has frequently been discussed. Did he really act on his own? Were his actions self-directed? Was he, as a typical ‘lone wolf’, inspired by the prevalent far-right concept of ‘leaderless resistance’ or, simply, a blind tool, a string puppet pushed and pulled by dark forces, as some commentators have claimed? His cut-and-paste manifesto points to inspiration from ideas circulating in the European Counter Jihad Movement (ECJM), in itself a contradictory mix of ideological positions. A number of these ideas were given new life when the so-called ‘populist right-wing movement of indignation’, the Patriotische Europäer Gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes (PEGIDA) took to the streets of Dresden in the autumn of 2014. The driving force behind PEGIDA, Lutz Bachmann, with a past as petty criminal and doorman, is an unlikely front man for one of the most successful political initiatives in post-unification Germany. Comparing Breivik and PEGIDA, Önnerfors argues that the ECJM is part of the ‘third generation’ of right-wing discourse that is without a consistent world view, dominant leaders and prolific ideologues. Instead, in a new atmosphere of ‘politics of passion’ and ‘post-politics’, fuzzy ECJM ideology turns into a screen upon which diffuse uneasiness with current political affairs can be projected and channelled. Outside the scope of Önnerfors's article but worth noting is the considerable impact these developments have had on electoral support for right-wing populist parties such as the Front National in France, the Alternative für Deutschland in Germany and the Sverigedemokraterna in Sweden. 相似文献
866.
In the literature on political economy and public choice, it is typically assumed that government size correlates positively with public corruption. The empirical literature, however, is inconclusive, owing to both measurement problems and endogeneity. This paper creates a corruption index based on original data from a survey covering top politicians and civil servants in all Swedish municipalities. The effect of more politicians on corruption problems is analyzed using discontinuities in the required minimum size of local councils. Despite the fact that Sweden consistently has been ranked among the least corrupt countries in the world, the survey suggest that non-trivial corruption problems are present in Sweden. Municipalities with more local council seats have more reported corruption problems, and the regression discontinuity design suggests that the effect is causal. 相似文献
867.
Clifton van der Linden Yannick Dufresne 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2017,27(1):9-30
ABSTRACTThe proliferation of Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) offers voters a simplified means by which to estimate their alignment with the candidates contesting a given election. But are the outputs generated by such applications both reliable and valid? While they differ greatly in design and degree of sophistication, most VAAs share a distinctive element that serves as their defining feature: an aggregation algorithm. Aggregation algorithms are the source of a VAA's legitimacy and yet no formal framework for their evaluation has as yet been agreed upon. We posit a dimensionality reduction technique as a corrective to recognised shortcomings in the dominant approaches to VAA design. We then test our model within a proposed framework for evaluating the validity and reliability of VAA algorithms. 相似文献
868.
Harald Müller 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(1):12-27
The frustration of non-nuclear weapon states about the lack of progress in nuclear disarmament has reached boiling point: a vast majority of them have supported a resolution in the UN General Assembly that establishes a negotiation forum for concluding a prohibition of nuclear weapons in 2017. Rising tension among the nuclear powers and populist movements feeding nationalist emotions make it unlikely that the situation will change for the better in the near future. It is thus possible that the NPT might be eroded or, in the worst case scenario, simply collapse because of diminishing support. 相似文献
869.
The economics literature on the determinants of diarrhoea focuses on infants; but what about school going adolescents? Our survey in an Indian village school affirms that sanitation, defecation practices at home and school, and the degree of crowding of living space at home are all significant determinants of diarrhoeal incidence for adolescents. Usage of toilets at school varies as a function of gender and existence of a toilet in student’s home. Access to toilets is not sufficient to guarantee their usage. To eliminate open defecation: toilets installation, behavioural change, and sustainable mechanisms to maintain school toilets seem necessary. 相似文献
870.