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721.
Despite the fact that numerous Christian denominations in America condemn or condone the death penalty, extant research on the effects of religiosity on citizens’ support for capital punishment has generated ambiguous results of denominational affiliation. This empirical ambiguity may be the result of measurement error. Testing data from the General Social Survey, this study employs a historically and theologically grounded measure of religious tradition affiliation to contrast to past research. Controlling for religious beliefs, religious behaviors, and race, the results indicate that affiliation with any Christian denomination increases the likelihood that an individual will support the death penalty compared to nonreligious individuals. In contrast, members of different Christian religious traditions are no more or less likely to favor capital punishment than other Christian affiliates. 相似文献
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John M. Violanti Desta Fekedulegn Luenda E. Charles Michael E. Andrew Tara A. Hartley Anna Mnatsakanova Cecil M. Burchfiel 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2009,34(1-2):41-53
Police officers are considered at increased risk for suicide. The objective of this study was to explore potential influences on suicide ideation among 105 randomly selected men and women urban police officers. Depression, gender, and marital status appeared to be most strongly associated with police suicidal ideation. Depressive symptoms were higher among women than men officers (12.5 percent vs. 6.2 percent). For each standard deviation increase in depressive symptoms, the prevalence ratio (PR) of suicide ideation increased 73 percent in women (PR?=?1.73, 95% CI?=?1.32–2.27) and 67 percent in men (PR?=?1.67, 95% CI?=?1.21–2.30). The association between depression and ideation was stronger among unmarried women officers (PR?=?4.43; 95% CI?=?2.19 – 8.91) than married women officers (PR?=?1.39, 95% CI?=?1.09 – 1.79). While depression has previously been associated with suicide, such results are unusual in a healthy working population such as the police. 相似文献
725.
We evaluated a community prosecution program in Dallas, Texas. City attorneys, who in Dallas are the chief prosecutors for specified misdemeanors, were paired with code enforcement officers to improve property conditions in a number of proactive focus areas, or PFAs, throughout the city. We conducted a panel data analysis, focusing on the effects of PFA activity on crime in 19 PFAs over a six-year period (monthly observations from 2010 to 2015). Control areas with similar levels of pre-intervention crime were also included. Statistical analyses controlled for pre-existing crime trends, seasonality effects, and other law enforcement activities. With and without dosage data, the total crime rate decreased in PFA areas relative to control areas. City attorney/code enforcement teams, by seeking the voluntary or court-ordered abatement of code violations and criminal activity at residential and commercial properties, apparently improved public safety in targeted areas. 相似文献
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Many hate crimes are not reported and even fewer hate crimes result in an arrest. This study investigates patterns of victim reporting and arrest for hate crimes in two parts. First, using data from the National Crime Victimization Survey, we find that, controlling for offense severity, hate crimes are less likely than non-bias crimes to be reported to the police and that the police are less likely to take further action for hate crimes, compared to non-hate crimes. Second, we use data from the Pennsylvania Human Relations Commission and the National Incident-Based Reporting System to compare differences between types of hate crimes in the likelihood of crime clearance. We find that those hate crimes most likely to result in arrest are those that fit the profile of a “stereotypical” hate crime: violent incidents, incidents committed by hate groups, and incidents involving white offenders and black victims. 相似文献
728.
Who Benefits from the Party Organization? Evidence from Republican House Members' Attendance at Caucus Meetings
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As the role of US congressional parties in the legislative process has increased, so has the importance of understanding the institutions within these organizations. In this article, we examine the weekly caucus meetings held by Republican House leaders with their rank‐and‐file. We consider how members’ characteristics relate to their decision to attend based on the collective and private benefits that caucus participation affords. Using interviews of members and staffers as well as members’ attendance records at these meetings from 2007 to 2013, we find, among other things, that members who vote less with their party or who have more seniority are less likely to attend while those in leadership positions or who are electorally vulnerable are more likely to do so. Together, these findings provide additional insights on the relationship between party leaders and their members and which members benefit from this central party‐building activity. 相似文献
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AbstractSolvent alleged that chlorinated benzene contamination detected in Solvent's offsite groundwater recovery wells was 98% due to releases from the neighboring Olin chlorobenzene production facility and only 2% due to Solvent's nearby chlorinated benzene production facility. However, Solvent's position was complicated by the fact that it had acknowledged that its operations had impacted site contamination levels. Solvent's position was that the onsite contamination was partially due to Olin, but it faced an uphill struggle because the New York State Department of Environmental Conservation (NYSDEC) had assigned Solvent responsibility for the Hot Spot cleanup at the Olin site. However, Solvent was able to recover virtually the entire amount of its Hot Spot costs attributable to chlorinated benzenes from Olin, as well as the full percentage of allocation they requested from Olin for the Solvent site through the useof chemical tracers such as benzene hexachloride (BHC). 相似文献