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931.
932.
Privacy,Data Retention and Domination: Digital Rights Ireland Ltd v Minister for Communications 下载免费PDF全文
Andrew Roberts 《The Modern law review》2015,78(3):535-548
In Digital Rights Ireland Ltd v Minister for Communications, the European Court of Justice found the EU Data Retention Directive, which required the retention of communications data for up to two years, to be incompatible with Articles 7 and 8 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights – the rights to privacy and to the protection of personal data. It is argued in this note that the decision ought to be taken as one that is concerned with the exercise of arbitrary power, a concern that is captured by the concept of domination. 相似文献
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Alex Till Tim Exworthy Andrew Forrester 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2015,26(1):11-21
Integrated care can introduce seamless coordinated pathways that are focused around the individual needs of patients, helping to prevent missed opportunities for intervention. Within offender healthcare, sequential funnelling through designated areas where screening can take place, along with co-location of services, lends itself to integrated working, at least in theory. However, within the offender healthcare pathway, service fragmentation and autonomous, disconnected (often referred to as siloed) working, has historically been the norm. If commissioned and designed to ensure and incentivise connections between services, whilst developing high quality service-focused research activities, pathways could enable clinical and social interventions, and outcomes, on a public health scale for these highly morbid populations. As such, offender healthcare offers a real opportunity to model integration for wider introduction across other health and social care areas. Discussed within is the call for integration, its concept, and its role within offender healthcare. 相似文献
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Andrew Clarke 《The Modern law review》2021,84(1):185-189
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Andrew Sancton 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1979,22(2):227-250
Abstract. Although recent Quebec governments have shown great dedication to local institutional reform, their record with respect to municipal institutions in Montreal is not impressive. This article aims to show that it is Montreal's linguistic make-up which has made the process of metropolitan reform unusually difficult. The existing municipal system of the Island of Montreal was shaped in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, during which time the City of Montreal annexed many poor francophone municipalities and wealthier anglophones established their own municipalities in the west. This arrangement was not threatened until the Drapeau-Saulnier annexation efforts of the early 1960s: lacking provincial support, the efforts failed. The Montreal Urban Community was created in 1969 as a direct result of a disastrous police strike. Its main purpose was to divert financial resources from the suburbs to the City in order to help cover increased police costs. The pooling of these costs inevitably led to the creation of a unified MUC police department, but the unification process was much more controversial than it had been in Toronto and Winnipeg. In other fields the suburbs have used their veto power to prevent any significant new initiatives. As a result, provincial control of urban development in Montreal is rapidly increasing. Although there have been many serious proposals for municipal consolidation in Montreal, no boundary changes have yet been made. Such changes would involve great political difficulty because they would create new linguistic majorities and minorities in each new municipality. Furthermore, the unusually strong alliance that binds francophone and anglophone suburbs makes it extremely difficult for any Quebec government to modify the existing situation. Sommaire. Bien que les récents gouvernements du Québecse soient lancés dans la réforme des institutions locales, leurs réalisations, quant aux institutions municipales de Montréal, ne sont pas spectaculaires. L'auteur de cet article s'efforce de démontrer que la composition linguistique de Montréal a compliquéénormément le processus de réforme métropolitaine. Le système municipal actuel de l'Ile de Montréal a pris forme à la fin du 19e siècle et au début du 20e, alors que la ville de Montréal annexait de nombreuses municipalités francophones pauvres et que les anglophones, plus riches, établissaient leurs propres municipalités dans l'ouest. Cet arrangementne s'est vu menacé que lors les tentatives d'annexion Drapeau-Saulnier, au debut des années 60. Ces efforts échouèrent, faute d'appui provincial. Une désastreuse grève de la police arnena, comme conséquence directe, la création en 1969 de la communauté urbaine de Montréal. Son principal but était le transfert des ressources financières des banlieues à la ville, pour aider à défrayer les majorations du coût de la police. L'amalgation des coûts de la police entraîna la création d'un service de police unifié CUM, mais ce processus d'unification rencontra beaucoup plus de résistance que cela n'avait été le cas à Toronto et à Winnipeg. Dans d'autres domaines, les banlieues utilisèrent leur droit de veto pour empêcher d'autres innovations importantes, ce qui cut pour résultat d'augmenter rapidement la mainmise provinciale sur le développement urbain de Montréal. En dépit du grand nombre de propositions sérieuses en vue d'une consolidation municipale à Montréal, aucune modification des divisions géographiques n'eut lieu. De tels changements rencontreraient de grandes difficultés d'ordre politique parce qu'ils créeraient de nouvelles majorités et minorités linguistiques dans chaque nouvelle municipalité. De plus, l'alliance exceptionnellement solide qui lie les banlieues anglophones et francophones rendrait extrêmement difficile la modification du statu quo pour tout gouvernement québécois, quel qu'il soit. 相似文献