首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   2203篇
  免费   110篇
各国政治   176篇
工人农民   73篇
世界政治   232篇
外交国际关系   171篇
法律   919篇
中国政治   24篇
政治理论   689篇
综合类   29篇
  2023年   12篇
  2022年   7篇
  2021年   18篇
  2020年   37篇
  2019年   72篇
  2018年   68篇
  2017年   80篇
  2016年   107篇
  2015年   63篇
  2014年   82篇
  2013年   392篇
  2012年   69篇
  2011年   67篇
  2010年   66篇
  2009年   68篇
  2008年   74篇
  2007年   92篇
  2006年   93篇
  2005年   78篇
  2004年   61篇
  2003年   82篇
  2002年   79篇
  2001年   39篇
  2000年   54篇
  1999年   41篇
  1998年   53篇
  1997年   30篇
  1996年   39篇
  1995年   32篇
  1994年   27篇
  1993年   19篇
  1992年   25篇
  1991年   11篇
  1990年   23篇
  1989年   8篇
  1988年   28篇
  1987年   17篇
  1986年   7篇
  1985年   7篇
  1984年   10篇
  1983年   7篇
  1982年   7篇
  1981年   7篇
  1980年   5篇
  1979年   11篇
  1978年   5篇
  1977年   7篇
  1975年   7篇
  1970年   3篇
  1969年   4篇
排序方式: 共有2313条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
11.
Australian policy‐makers continue to rely on municipal amalgamation as the main engine of structural reform in local government, despite strong evidence that it diminishes participation and representation without improving service efficiency. Several promising, but neglected alternative models of structural reform have been developed, including ad hoc resource sharing models, Regional Organisations of Councils, virtual local government, and agency models. In an encouraging response to the recent policy of enforced council amalgamations in NSW, the Shires Association of NSW (2004) has recently proposed a ‘Joint Board model’ of local governance and invited comment on this model. This article takes up this challenge and seeks to place the Joint Board model in conceptual context and evaluate its characteristics and simulated cost savings.  相似文献   
12.
13.
14.
China's experiments with democracy in this century were few in number, short in duration, and limited in their democratic characteristics. Democratic institutions malfunctioned in numerous ways. Nine sets of causes for the failure of Chinese democracy can be suggested: ideology, internal and external war, military intervention, Chinese political culture, underdevelopment, a peasant mass, flaws in the design of Chinese constitutions, moral failures by democratic politicians, or the lack of transactional benefits for military‐based elites in the process of democratic transition. Each of these factors is reviewed critically with an eye to its possible lessons.  相似文献   
15.
16.
17.
Responsibilities, Rights and Restorative Justice   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
  相似文献   
18.
Andrew M. Greeley is a priest, sociologist, novelist, and journalist. His scholarly writings concentrate on religion and ethnicity. His other writings range from critiques of the Catholic church to best-selling novels.  相似文献   
19.
The authors examine the characteristics of threatening and otherwise inappropriate communications sent to members of the U.S. Congress by a sample of 86 subjects, 20 of whom threatened assassination. We quote excerpts from these letters and provide quantitative data on such variables as the volume, duration, form, and appearance of such communications; the enclosures; the subjects' perceived relationships to the recipients; the thematic content of the communications; and the messages and threats communicated. Comparisons between 43 subjects who pursued encounters with members of Congress and 43 who did not revealed 17 factors associated with such pursuit. In this population, threateners were significantly less likely to pursue an encounter than inappropriate letter writers who did not threaten, regardless of the type of threat or the harm threatened. Inappropriate letters to members of Congress are compared with those directed to Hollywood celebrities. Mentally disordered persons writing to public figures often mention and sometimes threaten public figures other than those to whom the letters are addressed, which raises important issues regarding notification of endangered third parties and the sharing of information among protective agencies.  相似文献   
20.
The 2003 Duma election resulted in the victory of the party of power, thereby strengthening managed democracy in Russia. Since then, political trends in Russia's regions and rural politics provide considerable evidence of the increasing ability of pro-Kremlin forces to maximise their electoral fortunes in national contests. These political trends make it likely that United Russia will not only emerge as the dominant party in the 2007 Duma election, but will provide the Kremlin and Putin's successor with a compliant lower house. The outcome is that Putin's successor will find the political infrastructure to continue managed democracy.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号