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951.
RESEARCH SUMMARY: This article examines the growth in marijuana misdemeanor arrests in New York City (NYC) from 1980 to 2003 and its differential impact on blacks and Hispanics. Since 1980, the New York City Police Department (NYPD) expanded its use of arrest and detention for minor offenses under its quality-of-life (QOL) policing initiative. Arrest data indicate that during the 1990s the primary focus of QOL policing became smoking marijuana in public view (MPV). By 2000, MPV had become the most common misdemeanor arrest, accounting for 15% of all NYC adult arrests and rivaling controlled substance arrests as the primary focus of drug abuse control. Of note, most MPV arrestees have been black or Hispanic. Furthermore, black and Hispanic MPV arrestees have been more likely to be detained prior to arraignment, convicted, and sentenced to jail than their white counterparts. POLICY IMPLICATIONS: In light of the disparities, we recommend that the NYPD consider scaling back on MPV enforcement and reducing the harshness of treatment by routinely issuing Desk Appearance Tickets when the person is not wanted on other charges, so that most MPV arrestees would not be detained. Furthermore, we recommend that legislators should consider making smoking marijuana in public a violation and not a misdemeanor. Lastly, we suggest ways that NYC could monitor the effectiveness of these policy modifications to assure that the city continues to meet its goals for order maintenance. 相似文献
952.
Andrew Fiala 《Human Rights Review》2006,7(4):19-37
This paper argues that citizens should be wary of a policy of Reformed Preemption such as is found in the National Security
Strategy of the United States. This policy is too permissive with regard to the use of force and it suffers from epistemological
difficulties. The war in Iraq is examined in an effort to see how the new policy of Reformed Preemption will be employed in
practice. This case shows us two risks of the new policy: it permits wars even when the threats are vague and merely potential;
and it allows for disproportionate use of force. 相似文献
953.
954.
Andrew Wilson 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2006,19(1):21-32
This article examines the role of Western support for domestic non-governmental organisations during the 2004 Ukrainian election and the Orange Revolution. It critically assesses the thesis that Western support and the groups who received Western money were overly biased towards a particular candidate, namely Viktor Yushchenko. 相似文献
955.
956.
Andrew Simmonds 《Law and Critique》2008,19(2):165-191
‘The entire people cry out, “His blood be on us and on our children.”’ Is this the epochal ‘no’ of Israel renouncing its birthright? The legal precedent is not in delict but in contract, in treaties and covenants in which an entire people bind themselves and their descendants, their entire nation, in perpetuity by an imprecatory curse-oath identifying themselves and their descendants with a blood sacrifice that seals the contract. Legally, treaties and covenants require contemporaneous ratification. The author of Matthew’s gospel obtains the acclamations of the other actors, Pilate, the soldiers, the chief priests, scribes and elders and from the sign atop the cross by the formulaic talisman, ‘King of the Jews’ or ‘Israel’s King’ that each recite. He obtains the crowd’s acclamation from Pilate using together the words ‘Christ’ (Messiah) and ‘blood’ and employing a Jewish hand washing ritual. The purpose of the hand washing ritual was to forgive Israel for the guilt of innocent blood. However, Pilate uses this ritual meant to forgive Israel for its extreme opposite perverse purpose to condemn Israel. But the crowd uses the words ‘blood on’ in a different sense that evades Pilate’s request. ‘Blood on’ in the sacrificial system meant acceptance of a sacrificial blood offering. 相似文献
957.
958.
A sculpture and a work of artistic craftsmanship can only becreated where the author has an artistic purpose to the creation,otherwise what is created is a design with protection of limitedduration. 相似文献
959.
960.
This article uses Paraguay, in Latin America, as a case study in order to examine the difficulties of introducing state reform where the state itself has a long history of control by private interests. It shows how the ‘privatized’ nature of the Paraguayan state is central to an understanding of how it has functioned and responded to recent reform efforts. The article provides an overview of the Paraguayan public sector and identifies several of its peculiar features that are relevant to understanding the state reform process: its small size, high levels of inefficiency and ineffectiveness, rampant politicization and endemic corruption. The article examines the three major components of an externally driven state reform process that began with democratization in 1989: privatization of loss‐making state corporations, civil service reform and decentralization. It shows how the ‘privatized’ nature of the state has proved a major obstacle to these efforts and is a major factor in explaining their limited success. The article concludes by offering a pessimistic assessment of the likely prospects for state reform and highlights the danger that Paraguay could descend into a ‘failed state’. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献