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951.
The impact of governance attributes on frequently overlooked attitudes of local councillors towards local governance reform agendas is assessed, based on the MAELG survey of approximately 11,000 councillors in 15 European countries and Israel. Eighteen policy statements are grouped into six reform agendas, followed by analyses of their explanatory factors. Europe's north–south divide is found meaningful for the understanding of variations in attitudes towards reform, being most profound in notions of democracy, participation and devolution. Southern Europe, including post-communist Europe, shows clear support for new democratic mechanisms, whereas northern European councillors reveal more reserved, perhaps weary, attitudes towards reforms. Councillors may provide the ‘correct’ statements in the south, because less has been reformed there so far, knowing that change would anyway be difficult. Substantial variations between different northern sub-groups could be linked to the memory of non-democratic regimes in Germany and Austria and to the influence of existing systems, deeply embedded in local political cultures. Nevertheless, the impact of present institutional practices is far from universal. Councillors in liberal regimes are not pro-privatisation, and cautious attitudes towards reform are shared by northern decentralised and centralised countries. 相似文献
952.
953.
Anna Jackson 《亚洲事务》2013,44(3):425-432
A curtain-raiser for the current “Maharaja” Exhibition at the Victoria and Albert museum, which explains the evolution of Indian concepts of kingship from the early18th to the mid-twentieth centuries. The article describes how pageantry and symbolism formed part of the essentials of kingship, together with martial prowess and patronage of the arts. The British Raj thus took over a valid existing pattern of behaviour, which however became increasingly difficult to sustain and justify as independence loomed. 相似文献
954.
Anna Matveeva 《European Security》2013,22(4):478-499
The paper explores Russia's role in security in Central Asia, which analysts interpreted as projection of hegemony. It argues that this role is changing and is shaped by a variety of factors, sometimes acting in contradiction to one another. Domestic agenda is influenced by the danger discourse on drugs and anti-migrant sentiment and urges to detach from Central Asia. Moscow maintains a military presence in the region but is uncertain if it has serious enough stakes to justify a robust approach to security. Refusal to intervene in Kyrgyzstan in 2010 serves as a potent case. Regional organisations echo the non-intervention stance. As a ‘cost-benefit’ approach to security gains momentum, the paper asks if a policy of selective engagement is emerging when only the issues threatening Russia directly will be addressed. The implication can be a security vacuum in the region, affected by ethnic conflict, inter-state disputes and the consequences of withdrawal from Afghanistan. 相似文献
955.
Meredith A. Newman Robert A. Jackson Douglas D. Baker 《Public administration review》2003,63(4):472-483
What factors influence the likelihood that a federal worker will receive unwanted sexual attention? Who is most likely to be accused of sexual harassment? What factors influence federal workers' perceptions of the effectiveness of agency sexual harassment training? Using the raw data file of the U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board's most recent survey on sexual harassment, the authors find that worker characteristics are the principal influence on the likelihood that a worker will receive unwanted sexual attention and whether an agency's sexual harassment training is perceived favorably. Contextual factors demonstrate lesser influence. Their conclusions lead the authors to believe that a reevaluation of training programs is in order. A one‐size‐fits‐all training approach may no longer be tenable, if it ever was. 相似文献
956.
America's "war on terror" and Al Qaeda's "jihad" reflect mirror strategies of imperial politics. Each camp transnationalizes violence and insecurity in the name of national or communal security. Neoliberal globalization underpins this militarization of daily life. Its desire industries motivate and legitimate elite arguments (whether from "infidels" or "terrorists") that society must sacrifice for its hypermasculine leaders. Such violence and desire draw on colonial identities of Self vs. Other, patriotism vs. treason, hunter vs. prey, and masculinity vs. femininity that are played out on the bodies of ordinary men and women. We conclude with suggestions of a human security to displace the elite privilege that currently besets world politics. 相似文献
957.
958.
Melanie J. Bliss Emma Ogley-Oliver Emily Jackson Sharon Harp Nadine J. Kaslow 《Journal of family violence》2008,23(3):161-171
This study explores 178 low-income, abused African American women’s readiness to change abusive relationships and achieve
safety. We explore stages of change using Prochaska and DiClemente’s transtheoretical model (TM; Precontemplation, Contemplation,
Action, Preparation, and Maintenance). Results reveal that: for abused women, the stages fall along a continuum (versus discreet
and linear stages); abused women are primarily in the Contemplation stage; and multiple factors (perception of current abuse,
number of children in her home, symptoms of general anxiety and posttraumatic stress disorder [PTSD], substance use, spiritual
well-being, self-esteem, and social support) affect women’s total readiness to change intimate partner violence (IPV). Current
IPV, anxiety, PTSD, substance abuse, and spirituality were positively correlated with readiness to change, and children in
the home and self-esteem were negatively correlated with readiness to change. Multiple regression analysis revealed that PTSD
and spiritual well-being are positive predictors of readiness to change. Findings contribute to the growing body of literature
supporting the TM as applied to IPV. Results are discussed in terms of applicability to interventionists, policy makers, and
community leaders as they consider the plight of abused women and their efforts towards violence-free relationships. 相似文献
959.
Robert Jackson 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2002,13(4):1-28
Martin Wight was a founding member and one of the most influential thinkers of the 'English School' of International Relations. His thought on diplomacy is at the heart of his international theory. He portrays diplomacy as a defining activity of international relations; it marks the international sphere. His diplomatic thought is shaped by, more than anything else, a traditional Christian outlook that can be characterized as Augustian. Unless one comprehends that religious disposition of Martin Wight's thought one will not properly understand it. 相似文献
960.
Richard Jackson 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2007,20(2):233-247
This article examines the main characteristics and evolution of European Union counterterrorism discourse, primarily through a comparison with United States counterterrorism discourse since September 11. It argues that while both actors share a great deal in common in the language they employ about terrorism, there are a number of subtle but highly significant differences. The article also argues that there have been a number of important evolutions in the discourse of EU officials over the past five years. The article concludes that the nature and construction of official EU terrorism discourse has a number of important analytical, normative and practical implications, not least because it rests upon a series of highly contested assumptions and narratives about the nature and causes of the terrorist threat. 相似文献