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291.
Houry D Rhodes KV Kemball RS Click L Cerulli C McNutt LA Kaslow NJ 《Journal of interpersonal violence》2008,23(8):1041-1055
Measurements of intimate partner violence (IPV) based on acts of violence have repeatedly found substantial bilateral violence between intimates. However, the context of this violence is not well defined by acts alone. The objective of this research was to compare differences in women and men within each IPV status category (victim, perpetrator, and both) with respect to levels of battering as defined by their scores on the Women's Experience With Battering Scale (WEB), which asks gender-neutral questions about the abuse of power and control and fear in an intimate relationship. In our study, women disclosed higher levels of battering on the WEB, despite IPV status (victimization or both victimization and perpetration). In addition, female IPV victims were 5 times more likely than their male counterparts to disclose high rates of battering on the WEB. Depressive symptoms, symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder, African American race, and IPV victimization were independently associated with higher WEB scores. 相似文献
292.
The Group of 77 in the international climate negotiations: recent developments and future directions
Sjur Kasa Anne T. Gullberg Gørild Heggelund 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2008,8(2):113-127
First, we describe and analyze the main set of G77 positions in the climate negotiations and the dynamics behind the emergence
of these positions. While it is puzzling that the G77 has managed to maintain itself as a group in spite of internal differences
along variables as prosperity, emissions and vulnerability to climate change, we claim that a core element behind this cohesion
is that these countries share domestic governance problems as much as poverty and economic underdevelopment. Second, we discuss
how recent trends of economic and political development in the third world influence the climate policy strategies of the
G77 group in the future. The main factor here is the economicand social progress in states like China, India and Brazil, which
separates them from the poorer and less powerful G77 states. Increasing heterogeneity along variables like governance, growth,
and importance for the international economy is creating an increasing drive among the most successful G77 states towards
bilateral agreements with industrialised powers. We do not foresee a departure from traditional G77 positions and membership
by these states in the official climate negotiations or a departure from the Kyoto process, but an increasing reliance on
bilateral agreements with industrialized countries that link considerations for energy security and the environment. The ability
to gain these advantages without commitments may make these states less interested in adopting commitments for the post-Kyoto
period. This is unfortunate for the LDCs and the AOSIS groups within the G77, who probably are most vulnerable to climate
change.
相似文献
Sjur KasaEmail: |
293.
Anne Therese Gullberg 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2008,8(2):161-178
Using a simple rational choice model as a heuristic device, this paper explores the lobbying behaviour of environmental and
business organisations in the field of climate policy and discusses why their lobbying behaviour differs. I find that environmental
organisations lobby less than what would be considered rational according to the simple rational choice model, and argue that this might largely be
explained by tight budget constraints. I also find that business organisations lobby more than what would be considered rational according to the model, and argue that this might be explained if one applies a long-term
perspective on rational lobbying in the policy field rather than a short-term perspective on single policy decisions. Moreover, I find that the type of lobbying differs. While environmental organisations focus on single policy decisions, business organisations also invest
in general lobbying. The analysis is based on interviews with interest organisations lobbying in the field of climate policy
at the European Union (EU) level.
相似文献
Anne Therese GullbergEmail: |
294.
Anne E. Monius 《Journal of Indian Philosophy》2011,39(6):589-597
U. Vē. Cāminātaiyar (1885–1942) is arguably one of the most influential figures of the so-called “Tamil Renaissance” of the
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; his work has profoundly shaped the study of Tamil literature, both in India and
the Euro-American academy, for more than a century. Among his many literary works is a long and incomplete autobiographical
treatise known as Eṉ Carittiram, literally “My Life Story,” initially published in 122 installments between 1940 and 1942. What little scholarly attention
this fascinating autobiographical narrative has received thus far has largely read the text as an artless, transparent documenting
of South Indian literary culture in the late nineteenth century. Yet the text reveals substantial rhetorical art on close
reading. Greater attention to Cāminātaiyar’s specific context and probable concerns when composing (and publicly publishing)
Eṉ Carittiram suggests alternative ways of reading Tamil literary history and those texts that he first made widely available. 相似文献
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298.
Anne Holdorph 《Women's history review》2015,24(1):37-52
This article looks at the inclusion of religion within the West Central Jewish Working Girls' Club in London through newspapers, club histories and oral testimonies. Previous scholarship has downplayed the religious element in Jewish youth clubs; however, this article will demonstrate that religion was a factor within the activities of the West Central Club. Drawing on reports from the club leaders, this article will show that religion was present through prayers and services held on the Sabbath, and, where possible, this religion promoted domesticity for young women. 相似文献
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Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham Marianne Dahl Anne Frugé 《American journal of political science》2017,61(3):591-605
Why do organizations choose to use nonviolence? Why do they choose specific nonviolent tactics? Existing quantitative work centers on mass nonviolent campaign, but much of the nonviolence employed in contentious politics is smaller‐scale nonviolent direct action. In this article, we explore the determinants of nonviolence with new data at the organization level in self‐determination disputes from 1960 to 2005. We present a novel argument about the interdependence of tactical choices among nonviolent options in self‐determination movements. Given limitations on their capabilities, competition among organizations in a shared movement, and different resource requirements for nonviolent strategies, we show that organizations have incentives to diversify tactics rather than just copy other organizations. The empirical analysis reveals a rich picture of varied organizational resistance choices, and a complex web of interdependence among tactics. 相似文献