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171.
Ben Pitcher 《社会征候学》2013,23(4):535-551
The overt expression of racist discourse in the public realm is today—even in the case of far-right organizations like the British National Party—avoided at all costs. Yet approaches by competing political parties to the “populist” issue of asylum/immigration in the months preceding the 2005 General Election were clearly informed by negative ideas of racial difference. This article sets out to describe the conceptual logic and rhetorical structures of political discourses of cultural pluralism underwritten by the spectre of racism. This “official multiculturalism” is in large part shared by mainstream political parties and national news media, and is predicated on the self-conscious disavowal of racism and racist intent, while simultaneously serving to attack or problematize the existence or behaviour of certain racialized groups, both within and without the nation. I argue that such interventions increasingly circulate around definitions of legitimate cultural citizenship; that is, on ideas of civil society predicated on normative models of belonging to multicultural Britain. I will consider how the electoral campaigns of both Labour and Conservative parties were carefully constructed with a view to their reporting in the news media, and the extent to which such discourses of (multi)cultural citizenship publicly disavow—yet remain strongly marked by—exclusionary concepts of racialized difference. 相似文献
172.
The goal of achieving fiscal balance through privatisation is misplaced because the revenues generated are rarely large or timely enough to bring the budget deficit under control. In Mexico, Argentina, Brazil, and Chile fiscal crisis preceded and encouraged the decision to privatise, but only in Argentina did the revenues from privatisation contribute significantly to fiscal adjustment. The article develops a model, incorporating time preferences and longer term fiscal impacts, which shows that major fiscal benefits can be expected only under rare circumstances. Politicians continue to tout the fiscal benefits of privatisation perhaps to gain support or to signal their commitment to economic reform. 相似文献
173.
Ben Kiernan 《亚洲研究》2013,45(4):611-621
ABSTRACTThis study examines the evolution of political party finance in Thailand, which has been crucial for party development. The nature of party finance cannot be examined separately from the country's democratization given that the military early on dominated political parties. At the same time, such financing traditionally depended upon either regional factions (for larger parties) or party leaders (for micro-parties), while state funding for parties was nonexistent. The 1998 and 2007 Organic Acts on Political Parties contained finance reforms to strengthen parties, making them more transparent and accountable. Yet these reforms have only been partly successful. Today party leaders, faction leaders, and the military continue to influence party finance. This study addresses the issue of party finance in Thailand by scrutinizing its historical evolution from the dawn of Thai parties and party laws in the 1950s to the present. The authors conclude, first, that the limited nature of party finance laws in the pre-1998 period legitimized military-backed parties while facilitating intra-party factionalism. Second, they contend that despite reforms in party finance laws in Thailand major flaws remain to be corrected. 相似文献
174.
175.
Ben Kiernan 《亚洲研究》2013,45(2):35-38
AbstractIn his “Comments on Cham Population Figures,” Michael Vickery criticizes my 1988 article “Orphans of Genocide: The Cham Muslims of Kampuchea under Pol Pot.” “Kiernan has tinkered with the statistics in a tendentious manner in an attempt to prove the case for genocide,” he claims. Vickery accuses me of making “propaganda” and using “doctored evidence” to support it, of failing to make “honest use” of data, and of “fiddling with statistics to prove a particular political case, which cannot be made.” 相似文献
176.
177.
Christopher F.R. Tassone B.Sc. Ben Martini Ph.D. Kim‐Kwang Raymond Choo Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2017,62(5):1197-1204
Digital forensic visualization is an understudied area despite its potential to achieve significant improvements in the efficiency of an investigation, criminal or civil. In this study, a three‐stage forensic data storage and visualization life cycle is presented. The first stage is the decoding of data, which involves preparing both structured and unstructured data for storage. In the storage stage, data are stored within our proposed database schema designed for ensuring data integrity and speed of storage and retrieval. The final stage is the visualization of stored data in a manner that facilitates user interaction. These functionalities are implemented in a proof of concept to demonstrate the utility of the proposed life cycle. The proof of concept demonstrates the utility of the proposed approach for the storage and visualization of digital forensic data. 相似文献
178.
Given the increasing number of prisoners serving life sentences in England and Wales, and the increasing average length of these sentences, it is surprising that so little attention has been paid to the experiences and effects of such sanctions. This article describes how prisoners serving very long sentences from an early age adapt over time to their circumstances. In particular, it focuses on the transition between the early and subsequent stages of such sentences, specifically, the ways that these prisoners adapt to the sentence, manage time, come to terms with their offense, shift their conception of control, make their sentence constructive, and find wider meaning in and from their predicament. Our argument is that most prisoners demonstrate a shift from a form of agency that is reactive to one that is productive, as they learn to “swim with”, rather than against, the tide of their situation. 相似文献
179.
180.
Ben Noble 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2019,25(1):143-147
Recent work has noted the supposedly ‘exceptional’ constitutional authority of sub-national legislatures in Mexico to introduce legislative initiatives into the national congress. Rather than a mechanism unique to Mexico, however, this debate article notes other states’ constitutions with similar provisions, drawing on data from the Comparative Constitutions Project, as well as a new dataset on lawmaking in the Russian Federation. The article calls for a new collaborative research agenda to explore the involvement of sub-national legislatures in national-level lawmaking. 相似文献