The Effects of Polymer Pigmentation on Fingermark Development Techniques

The effectiveness of latent fingerprint development techniques is heavily influenced by the physical and chemical properties of the deposition surface. The use of powder suspensions is increasing for development of prints on a range of surfaces. We demonstrate that carbon powder suspension development on polymers is detrimentally affected by the presence of common white pigment, titanium dioxide. Scanning electron microscopy demonstrates that patches of the compound are clearly associated with increased levels of powder adhesion. Substrates with nonlocalized titanium dioxide content also exhibit increased levels of carbon powder staining on a surface‐wide basis. Secondary ion mass spectrometry and complementary techniques demonstrate the importance of levels of the pigment within the top 30 nm. The association is independent of fingermark deposition and may be related to surface energy variation. The detrimental effect of the pigment is not observed with small‐particle reagent (MoS₂ SPR) or cyanoacrylate (superglue) fuming techniques that exploit different development mechanisms.     

Dark Knights Rising: The Aurora Theater and Newtown School Massacres and Shareholder Wealth

Purpose

This study analyzes the stock price impact of the Aurora theater and Newtown (Sandy Hook) school massacres on both domestic (US) and foreign theater operators and US gun manufacturers in an effort to document the economic effects of these tragedies.

Methods

The well-established “event study” methodology from the fields of economics and finance is employed to assess the impact of the shootings on the affected companies after controlling for risk and overall market movements.

Results

The Aurora theater shooting resulted in striking declines for Cinemark (the targeted theater) as well as major US competitors, but had no impact on overseas theater chains. Smith & Wesson (maker of the gun used in Aurora) showed no response, whereas Ruger (a competitor) exhibited large gains. Both Smith & Wesson and Ruger plunged after the Newtown shooting, although neither made the weapons used in the shooting.

Conclusions

Contrary to prior research on workplace homicides, the results show that random mass shootings have profound effects on targeted companies. In addition, the results suggest the presence of a very strong “contagion effect” (where negative events affecting one company impact others in the same industry). The negative responses of both publicly-traded US firearms manufacturers to the Newtown shooting suggests a “sea-change” in the debate over gun ownership in the US.     

Why Don’t You Register Your Child? A Study of Attitudes and Factors Affecting Birth Registration in Kenya,and Policy Suggestions

Birth registration imposes major challenges in developing countries, with importance to rights, health and all levels of development. Despite targeted initiatives, often with focus on improved access and information, universal registration has been elusive. Using cross-sectional survey from Kenya, we provide new evidence for why parents may not register. We report high awareness, low barriers – however with over 50 per cent of children unregistered. We argue this is due to deliberate, informed choice by parents where they weigh perceived costs/benefits. We recommend new focus on this deliberation and policy piggybacking hospital delivery, vaccination and information and communications technology to re-balance parent decision.     

A Concise History of the Arabs

This paper is an attempt to analyse the contentious role of drone strikes in the context of the options available in the on-going fight against terrorism in Afghanistan and the Af-Pak region. There are significant legal issues here, both in terms of human rights and in terms of state sovereignty and independence, though there are those who argue that the concept of a “just war” provides adequate justification. Pragmatists focus on effectiveness. In Afghanistan and Pakistan, there are many individuals who lend their support to the drone attacks because they see no other alternative(s), given that the prospects for dialogue seems so unpromising. But however many jihadist leaders are killed, in drone strikes, other effective counter-insurgency action may provide a better option.     

Political Communication and Agroterrorism

This article reports results of a survey on consumer perceptions about agroterrorism conducted in October and November of 2004. As part of a more general survey the authors asked respondents who the most likely perpetrator of an agroterrorist attack would be. Of American consumers, 47.52% believed that the most likely attack would come from a state-sponsored terrorist organization or government, 23.47% from a non-state–sponsored terrorist organization, and only 14.46% for domestic terrorism. The article argues that at the time of the survey these perceptions of risk were at odds, in terms of history and the conventional wisdom, which would place higher likelihoods first on domestic terrorism, then foreign non-state–sponsored terrorism, and then foreign state–sponsored terrorism. These results are explored in detail using a combination of cross tabulation and PROBIT analysis and find that a key variable (among others) in risk perception is political affiliation. The article then discusses the role of political communication via the Iraq War and Al Qaeda to explain the results.     

Brockdorff-Rantzau and the Struggle for a Just Peace

Weimar Germany’s first foreign minister, Count Brockdorff-Rantzau, presented the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 with a pamphlet of detailed German counterproposals to the peace terms. In a concise cover letter, which was translated into English by the author of the article, the experienced diplomat Brockdorff-Rantzau put forward his most convincing arguments for a fair settlement at Versailles. Though the counterproposals were ultimately rejected, this rare document represents one of the only direct attempts at negotiation that took place between Germany and the Allied powers. This article analyzes Brockdorff-Rantzau’s style of negotiation in order to discern whether the German government’s hopes for a balanced settlement were based on naiveté or cynicism. By outlining three coherent themes in his writings—anger/defensiveness, compromise, and the rule of law—this paper argues that Brockdorff-Rantzau’s words are indicative of a more cynical motivation behind his seemingly perspicuous arguments.     

Effects of neoliberal adjustments on government-funded international volunteer cooperation organisations

This paper uses findings from a survey of 19 government-funded international volunteer cooperation organisations (IVCOs) to discuss whether past and future patterns of government funding provide support for assertions of neoliberal adjustments. Findings indicate greater competition between providers, increased accountability for aid effectiveness, more private sector involvement, and an emphasis on domestic priorities with a focus on the skill-development of young volunteers. It provides examples of these changes and discusses the implications of changing patterns of government funding for international volunteering as an approach to development aid.

Effets des ajustements néolibéraux sur les organismes de coopération internationale bénévole financés par des gouvernements

Cet article se sert des résultats d'une enquête menée parmi 19 organismes de coopération internationale bénévole (OCIB) financés par des gouvernements pour discuter de la question de savoir si les schémas passés et futurs de financement gouvernemental viennent prouver les ajustements néolibéraux. Les résultats indiquent une concurrence accrue entre fournisseurs, une redevabilité accrue pour ce qui est de l'efficacité de l'aide, une participation plus importante du secteur privé, et un accent sur les priorités nationales, avec pour axe central le développement des compétences des jeunes bénévoles. Il donne des exemples de ces changements et traite des implications de l’évolution des schémas de financement gouvernemental pour le bénévolat international comme approche de l'aide au développement.

Efectos de los ajustes neoliberales en organizaciones internacionales de cooperación voluntaria financiadas por gobiernos

El presente artículo se apoya en una encuesta aplicada a 19 organizaciones internacionales de cooperación voluntaria (oicv) financiadas por gobiernos, realizada con el fin de polemizar respecto a si los actuales y los pasados patrones de financiamiento gubernamental sustentan las afirmaciones de [que se produjeron] ajustes neoliberales. Las conclusiones demuestran la existencia de mayor competencia entre proveedores, así como mayor rendición de cuentas en torno a la eficacia de la ayuda, más participación del sector privado y un énfasis en las prioridades nacionales, centrado en el desarrollo de habilidades en los jóvenes voluntarios. El artículo proporciona ejemplos de estos cambios y examina las implicaciones que los cambiantes patrones de financiamiento gubernamental tienen para el voluntariado internacional como enfoque para la ayuda de desarrollo.

Efeitos de ajustes neoliberais em Organizações Internacionais de Cooperação de Voluntários financiadas pelo governo

Este artigo utiliza resultados de uma pesquisa de 19 Organizações Internacionais de Cooperação de Voluntários (IVCOs) financiada pelo governo para discutir se padrões passados e futuros de financiamento governamental oferecem apoio para reivindicações de ajustes neoliberais. Os resultados indicam uma maior competição entre provedores, maior prestação de contas para a efetividade da ajuda, mais envolvimento do setor privado e ênfase nas prioridades domésticas com enfoque no desenvolvimento de habilidades de jovens voluntários. O artigo oferece exemplos destas mudanças e discute as implicações de padrões variáveis de financiamento governamental para o voluntariado internacional como abordagem para a ajuda ao desenvolvimento.     

Transatlantic burden sharing: suggesting a new research agenda

ABSTRACT

Current studies on NATO burden sharing are only able to show some weak statistical trends between selective variables; they are unable to explain and show why this trend exists and why it occurred at particular times (or not). This is due to the dominant deductive and hypothesis testing research designs that prevent researchers to produce richer causal explanations or intersubjective understandings of how states, for example, construct and assign meaning to burdens or what forms of social representation, values, norms and ideals influence the making of (national) burden sharing decisions. Thus, we charge, the literature needs to adopt an eclecticist approach to studying NATO burden sharing – that is to combine rationalist with sociological approaches and methodologies highlighting the importance of intersubjective meanings and the role of social forces, norms, beliefs, and values. The article lays out what such a research programme might look like and how one could operationalise it.     

Who Advocates? Determinants of Political Advocacy in Presidential Election Years

Political discussion research often focuses on general discussion without analyzing interesting subsets of interpersonal communication, such as political advocacy. Political advocacy is crucial to study because it is where citizens make clear statements of their beliefs when trying to influence others, which democratic theorists cite as valuable in spreading information in discussion networks. In this project, we test theoretically relevant determinants of political advocacy, focusing on campaign spending. Using multilevel logistic regression models of American National Election Study survey data from presidential elections between 1976 and 2008, we find that campaign spending correlates with an increase in the likelihood of advocating. We also find that the likelihood of being an advocate correlates with greater political discussion, television usage, interest in politics, partisanship, efficacy, and socioeconomic status. Additionally, we break these results down by party spending and party identification, and find differentiated results by party. Generally, these results show how the electoral environment shapes interpersonal communication.