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291.
Benjamin Franks 《Journal of Political Ideologies》2016,21(2):160-180
This article provides an account of ideological hybridity. It describes and categorizes four main types of ideological hybrid in order to examine a range of sub-ideologies and cross-breeds but concentrates on identifying and assessing the particular phenomena described as conservative (or ‘Tory’) anarchisms. The article demonstrates how an ideological hybrid’s morphological relationship to its parent ideologies can alter in different geographical or historical contexts. Using this model, it argues that some differences between conservatism and anarchism are overstressed (such as those over the role of the state and individual rights), whilst some important similarities are often overlooked, namely those surrounding their political epistemologies. However, because apparently shared concepts are structured next to radically different core principles (defence/rejection of hierarchies and prioritizing/negation of dominant economic institutions), these shared principles are interpreted in radically different ways. As a result, conservative anarchism is a deeply unstable hybrid rather than an innovative new ideological form. It is one which, in most contexts, stabilizes into a form of conservatism rather than a form of anarchism. 相似文献
292.
The literature on differences in the carceral experiences of women and men underscores the relevance of both background (pre-prison) and confinement factors for shaping inmates’ experiences during incarceration, but with a heavier emphasis on linkages between background factors and problems women face during confinement. Here, we apply these ideas to an understanding of sex differences in factors influencing victimization risk during incarceration. Sex-specific models of physical assaults and property thefts were estimated for random samples of inmates from 46 prisons in Ohio and Kentucky. Background factors were more important than confinement factors for influencing assaults on women whereas both sets of factors were relevant for men. Both background and confinement factors were important for predicting theft victimizations for both groups although the magnitude of several effects varied by an inmate’s sex. Findings suggest that effective crime prevention strategies in prison may vary across facilities for women and for men. 相似文献
293.
Benjamin Selwyn 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(5):781-799
Much development theory is based upon elite-led conceptions of social change. Elite development theory (EDT) conceptualises ‘the poor’ as human inputs into or, at best, junior partners within elite-led development processes. This elitism contributes to the continual (re)framing of the poor as passive beneficiaries of elite policy, and legitimates economic exploitation of the poor. These claims are illustrated by discussing a number of EDT traditions – the Washington/Post-Washington Consensus, statist political economy, modernisation Marxism and varieties of pro-poor growth. As an alternative to EDT the article argues for a conception and practice of ‘labour-centred development’. 相似文献
294.
Benjamin Selwyn 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(6):1035-1052
This article outlines the theory and practice of labour-centred development (LCD). Much development thinking is elitist, positing states and corporations as primary agents in the development process. This article argues, by contrast, that collective actions by labouring classes can generate tangible developmental gains and therefore that, under certain circumstances, they can be considered primary development actors. Examples of LCD discussed here include shack-dwellers’ movements in South Africa, the landless labourers’ movement in Brazil, unemployed workers’ movements in Argentina and large-scale collective actions by formal sector workers across East Asia. The article also considers future prospects for LCD. 相似文献
295.
Benjamin Ewert 《European Policy Analysis》2015,1(1):149-167
In emerging healthcare markets, user organizations, conceived as patient organizations, self‐help groups, and customer services, now face the challenge of acting as both change agents and service providers. On the one hand, they are expected to push for user‐oriented healthcare reforms; on the other hand, they are urged to facilitate users’ healthcare consumption by supporting them in their decisions regarding healthcare providers and treatments, relationships to physicians, and concerning the promotion of health literacy. This plurality of tasks, which must be carried out against a backdrop of scant resources, means that many user organizations are in danger of losing their corrective civil society‐based influence vis‐à‐vis the power of healthcare professionals and providers. User organizations, having criticized the system in the past, may thus become ‘ordinary’ service agencies operating at arm's length from established healthcare providers and administrators. Given these developments, this contribution scrutinizes how different types of user organizations are responding to systemic change and the resulting conflicts. Drawing on an empirical study of the German healthcare system, two research interests are pursued. First, how do user organizations reshape their profiles in a more marketized healthcare system? Second, what strategies can a user organization adopt to minimize the risk of becoming a ‘jack‐of‐all‐trades’? 相似文献
296.
Purpose
This study analyzes the stock price impact of the Aurora theater and Newtown (Sandy Hook) school massacres on both domestic (US) and foreign theater operators and US gun manufacturers in an effort to document the economic effects of these tragedies.Methods
The well-established “event study” methodology from the fields of economics and finance is employed to assess the impact of the shootings on the affected companies after controlling for risk and overall market movements.Results
The Aurora theater shooting resulted in striking declines for Cinemark (the targeted theater) as well as major US competitors, but had no impact on overseas theater chains. Smith & Wesson (maker of the gun used in Aurora) showed no response, whereas Ruger (a competitor) exhibited large gains. Both Smith & Wesson and Ruger plunged after the Newtown shooting, although neither made the weapons used in the shooting.Conclusions
Contrary to prior research on workplace homicides, the results show that random mass shootings have profound effects on targeted companies. In addition, the results suggest the presence of a very strong “contagion effect” (where negative events affecting one company impact others in the same industry). The negative responses of both publicly-traded US firearms manufacturers to the Newtown shooting suggests a “sea-change” in the debate over gun ownership in the US. 相似文献297.
This article reports results of a survey on consumer perceptions about agroterrorism conducted in October and November of 2004. As part of a more general survey the authors asked respondents who the most likely perpetrator of an agroterrorist attack would be. Of American consumers, 47.52% believed that the most likely attack would come from a state-sponsored terrorist organization or government, 23.47% from a non-state–sponsored terrorist organization, and only 14.46% for domestic terrorism. The article argues that at the time of the survey these perceptions of risk were at odds, in terms of history and the conventional wisdom, which would place higher likelihoods first on domestic terrorism, then foreign non-state–sponsored terrorism, and then foreign state–sponsored terrorism. These results are explored in detail using a combination of cross tabulation and PROBIT analysis and find that a key variable (among others) in risk perception is political affiliation. The article then discusses the role of political communication via the Iraq War and Al Qaeda to explain the results. 相似文献
298.
Recent decades have seen an acceleration in public concern about the allocation of increasingly scarce water supplies. There
are many reasons for this concern, such as growth in urban populations. In this article, we focus on how surface water’s special
qualities (the combination of spillovers, rent-seeking behavior, and common pool resources) complicate the assignment of property
rights in any legal framework. These characteristics make specific market structures necessary in order to efficiently allocate
rights. The state usually designs those structures. Yet, just like markets can fail, so can governments fail to effectively
allocate those rights. So designers often turn to quasi-judicial conservancy boards as a second-best solution. We argue that
those boards may themselves fail through a form of “corporation failure.” We address these three types of failures, and offer
an analysis of two cases that suggests that the likelihood conservancy boards will suffer from corporate failure depends on
the actions of the boards and outside stakeholders (like governments).
相似文献
Benjamin Y. ClarkEmail: |
299.
300.
Benjamin Kneihs 《Journal für Rechtspolitik》2010,18(1):21-32
Mit dem Washingtoner Abkommen ist Österreich eine Verpflichtung eingegangen, zusätzliche Unterstützung zur Restaurierung und Erhaltung jüdischer Friedhöfe in Österreich zu leisten. Über Umfang und Adressat dieser Verpflichtung herrscht seither Streit. Der vorliegende Beitrag versucht eine juristische Würdigung des Abkommens und empfiehlt für seine Umsetzung eine politische Einigung zwischen Bund und Ländern. 相似文献