Rationale and Strategies for Central Involvement of Educators in Effective School-Based Mental Health Programs

Unfortunately, for many mental health professionals classroom teachers and other educators are, at best, viewed primarily or solely as useful sources of information about a child, and their broader, invaluable roles as members of the mental health team are diminished or dismissed. This article examines the conceptual rationale and empirical support for central involvement of educators (especially classroom teachers) in effective mental health services, and in effective expanded school-based mental health programs. The importance of partnerships with educators for school-wide mental health promotion efforts, as well as for the success of primary and secondary prevention initiatives, are highlighted. Effective strategies and recommendations for enhancement of educator-mental health professional collaboration are included.     

Methamphetamine use in nonurban and urban drug court clients

Population-based surveys suggest that methamphetamine use and abuse may be rising in the United States. However, little is known about methamphetamine use in eastern sections of the United States, particularly nonurban areas. The purpose of the present study was (a) to explore reported methamphetamine use and its correlates among Kentucky drug court clients and(b) to determine whether differences exist between methamphetamine users by drug court location. Of the 500 drug court clients surveyed, approximately 32% n=161) reported lifetime methamphetamine use. Methamphetamine users and nonusers differed in their drug-use profiles, self-reported criminal history, and number of criminal offenses. Nonurban and urban methamphetamine users differed in their drug-use profiles, psychological functioning, self-reported criminal history, and number of criminal offenses. These results suggest that differences exist between these populations and clinicians, and criminal justice officials may need to consider these differences when planning treatment and rehabilitation strategies.     

Liberal and conservative dissensus in areas of domestic public policy other than business and economics

This research is part of a project that examines the nature of political ideology in the United States and its impact on the formulation of public policy. Here we explore the bases of liberal – conservative dissensus in areas of domestic policy other than business and the economy using a model developed by Janda, Berry, and Goldman. We find that the major elements of dissensus are: a strong conservative disposition to defend order; with a few exceptions a liberal indifference to order as conservatives define it; conservative opposition to the expansion of federal power over states or individuals and/or expansion in federal (and often state and local government) spending unless order is threatened; much greater liberal emphasis on equality; and varying conceptualizations of basic values to the degree that liberals and conservatives seem almost to be talking past each other using two different languages.     

美国自然文化遗产管理经验及对中国有关改革的启示

美国是自然文化遗产资源丰富且管理较为成功的国家,其基本管理理念是根据遗产资源的公益性确定遗产资源的使命,然后建立与使命相应的资金机制、管理机制、经营机制、监督机制等,以确保管理能力、管理手段与管理目标相适应。本文以美国国家公园体系为例介绍了这种理念的形成过程和具体体现方式,总结了中国自然文化遗产管理制度与美国的差别,并在剖析中国有关改革的基础上提出了中国遗产管理应该借鉴美国的基本管理理念。     

Militarism and Terrorism: The Deadly Cycle

The terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, destined to strongly influence world politics well into the 21st century, can be understood as part of a larger dialectic linking US militarism and what has become global terrorism. This destructive cycle is likely to deepen as elements of American superpower hegemony--economic, political, cultural and military--become more consolidated, and as the USA continues to pursue its unprecedented and ill-defined war against terrorism. The goal of US ruling elites is to make the world increasingly accessible to capital investment, free trade and corporate domination while simultaneously closing off viable alternatives to the neoliberal New World Order. Here terrorism in its different manifestations amounts to both a striking back at US empire--what might be seen as an especially virulent form of blowback--and the unintended relegitimation of this empire as it helps to bolster the war economy and security state. One of the debilitating consequences of the militarism-terrorism cycle is a further closing off of political discourse in the US in the midst of a resurgent national chauvinism, ideological conformism and militarised culture.     

Quentin Skinner on the Proper Meaning of Republican Liberty

This article examines Quentin Skinner's revisionist project of reconciling republican liberty and negative freedom. His conceptualisation is analysed in the contexts of both contemporary political theory as well as a historiographical interpretation of Machiavelli. Skinner advances two claims: first, that Machiavelli's idea of liberty is negative freedom, and second, that republicanism shows that liberty is best maintained by the coercive use of the law. I argue that there are two conflicting concepts of the law underlying Skinner's theory. One regards the law as an invisible hand, while the other takes the law to be a liberating agency. Skinner's influence on the emerging juristic paradigm in republicanism is also considered.     

Ethnic conflict, ethnic accommodation, and nation-building in Southeast Asia

Four types of ethnic conflict are found in the ten states of post-colonial Southeast Asia. Within these types, cases of peaceful accommodation, as well as forceful attempts to suppress rebellious minorities, are examined. Explanations for diverse governmental responses are found in geography, history, including colonial policies of divide and rule, and the nature of post-colonial governments. Some of the region’s governments have shown great skill in devising peaceful methods of accommodation. But several military governments, unsuccessful at nation-building, have seen the forceful suppression of ethnic rebellions as their only option. Carl H. Landé is a professor of political science and East Asian studies at the University of Kansas. His primary country of specialization is the Philippines.     

Sleep disturbance in adolescents: Sleep quality,sleep habits,beliefs about sleep,and daytime functioning

This study examined the prevalence and correlates of sleep disturbance in adolescents. Two hundred seventy-seven 9th- and 10th-grade students completed a questionnaire on sleep quality, sleep habits, beliefs about sleep, and daytime mood and functioning. Based on their responses, subjects were classified as good sleepers (66%), occasional poor sleepers (23%), and chronic poor sleepers (11%). Occasional and chronic poor sleepers reported being significantly more depressed, without energy, tense, moody, and irritable and less rested and alert than good sleepers. They were also more likely to describe themselves negatively. However, poor sleepers were not consistently more tired than good sleepers. Rather, they tended to be least tired in the evening, the time when most good sleepers reported feeling tired. There were few differences in the sleep habits and beliefs about sleep of good and poor sleepers. All subjects reported shifts in bedtimes and waketimes from weekdays to weekends, with occasional and chronic poor sleepers showing a tendency toward greater shifts, a possible factor contributing to their sleep disturbance. Occasional and chronic poor sleepers also reported more observable behaviors and feelings of stress than good sleepers. The need for early intervention with particular attention to teaching adolescents about good sleep habits and the need for stable bedtimes and waketimes and the possibility of joint intervention on daytime stress and sleeping problems are discussed.     

“Men who smell of fear”: The Menzies Government and Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence

This article uses international archival sources to examine Australian policy on the problem of Rhodesian independence during the 1960s. It demonstrates that until November 1965 the Australian government led by Sir Robert Menzies followed a finely balanced policy that was broadly supportive of Britain but also sympathetic to the Rhodesian Front. However, the Australian response to Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) revealed increasing bureaucratic conflict in Australian policy‐making and exposed the limits of Australian support for Britain in dealing with the international consequences of the UDI. Analysis of Australia's decision to not attend the Lagos Conference in January 1966 demonstrates the Menzies government's anxiety about the implications of racial issues for Australian domestic and foreign policies. This suggests that historians should pay more attention to the significance of Africa in Australian foreign relations during the Menzies era.