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321.
Carl H. Landé 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》1999,33(4):89-117
Four types of ethnic conflict are found in the ten states of post-colonial Southeast Asia. Within these types, cases of peaceful
accommodation, as well as forceful attempts to suppress rebellious minorities, are examined. Explanations for diverse governmental
responses are found in geography, history, including colonial policies of divide and rule, and the nature of post-colonial
governments. Some of the region’s governments have shown great skill in devising peaceful methods of accommodation. But several
military governments, unsuccessful at nation-building, have seen the forceful suppression of ethnic rebellions as their only
option.
Carl H. Landé is a professor of political science and East Asian studies at the University of Kansas. His primary country
of specialization is the Philippines. 相似文献
322.
Sleep disturbance in adolescents: Sleep quality,sleep habits,beliefs about sleep,and daytime functioning 总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6
Kathleen Kirmil-Gray Jean R. Eagleston Elizabeth Gibson Carl E. Thoresen 《Journal of youth and adolescence》1984,13(5):375-384
This study examined the prevalence and correlates of sleep disturbance in adolescents. Two hundred seventy-seven 9th- and 10th-grade students completed a questionnaire on sleep quality, sleep habits, beliefs about sleep, and daytime mood and functioning. Based on their responses, subjects were classified as good sleepers (66%), occasional poor sleepers (23%), and chronic poor sleepers (11%). Occasional and chronic poor sleepers reported being significantly more depressed, without energy, tense, moody, and irritable and less rested and alert than good sleepers. They were also more likely to describe themselves negatively. However, poor sleepers were not consistently more tired than good sleepers. Rather, they tended to be least tired in the evening, the time when most good sleepers reported feeling tired. There were few differences in the sleep habits and beliefs about sleep of good and poor sleepers. All subjects reported shifts in bedtimes and waketimes from weekdays to weekends, with occasional and chronic poor sleepers showing a tendency toward greater shifts, a possible factor contributing to their sleep disturbance. Occasional and chronic poor sleepers also reported more observable behaviors and feelings of stress than good sleepers. The need for early intervention with particular attention to teaching adolescents about good sleep habits and the need for stable bedtimes and waketimes and the possibility of joint intervention on daytime stress and sleeping problems are discussed. 相似文献
323.
“Men who smell of fear”: The Menzies Government and Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence 下载免费PDF全文
Carl Watts 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2016,62(3):404-418
This article uses international archival sources to examine Australian policy on the problem of Rhodesian independence during the 1960s. It demonstrates that until November 1965 the Australian government led by Sir Robert Menzies followed a finely balanced policy that was broadly supportive of Britain but also sympathetic to the Rhodesian Front. However, the Australian response to Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) revealed increasing bureaucratic conflict in Australian policy‐making and exposed the limits of Australian support for Britain in dealing with the international consequences of the UDI. Analysis of Australia's decision to not attend the Lagos Conference in January 1966 demonstrates the Menzies government's anxiety about the implications of racial issues for Australian domestic and foreign policies. This suggests that historians should pay more attention to the significance of Africa in Australian foreign relations during the Menzies era. 相似文献
324.
The shorth and 75‐shormax were recently posited as an improved alternative to the arithmetic mean for describing facial soft tissue thicknesses in craniofacial identification. The shorth better estimates the data peak, while the 75‐shormax provides improved provisions for a long right tail. When first proposed, the 75‐shormax was subjectively gauged. Herein, shormax errors are calculated at every whole percentile to quantitatively determine zones of error minimization in two large samples: (a) CT data of French adults, n‐range = 211–469 individuals; and (b) all C‐Table data, n‐range = 60–1065 individuals [including part but not all of sample (a)]. The smallest residuals were found at the 79th percentile (mean of raw residuals) and the 74th percentile (mean of absolute residuals). The 75‐shormax is subsequently verified as good error minimizer since the absolute differences carry the greatest weight and the 74th percentile closely approximates the 75th percentile. 相似文献
325.
Popliteal Vein Blood Sampling and the Postmortem Redistribution of Diazepam,Methadone, and Morphine 下载免费PDF全文
Eric Lemaire M.D. Carl Schmidt M.D. Raphael Denooz Ph.D. Corinne Charlier Ph.D. Philippe Boxho M.D. Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2016,61(4):1017-1028
Postmortem redistribution (PMR) refers to the site‐ and time‐related blood drug concentration variations after death. We compared central blood (cardiac and subclavian) with peripheral blood (femoral and popliteal) concentrations of diazepam, methadone, and morphine. To our knowledge, popliteal blood has never been compared with other sites. Intracardiac blood (ICB), subclavian blood (SB), femoral blood (FB), and popliteal blood (PB) were sampled in 30 cases. To assess PMR, mean concentrations and ratios were compared. Influence of postmortem interval on mean ratios was also assessed. Results show that popliteal mean concentrations were lower than those for other sites for all three drugs, even lower than femoral blood; mean ratios suggested that the popliteal site was less subject to PMR, and estimated postmortem interval did not influence ratios except for diazepam and methadone FB/PB. In conclusion, our study is the first to explore the popliteal site and suggests that popliteal blood is less prone to postmortem redistribution. 相似文献
326.
327.
Postmodern cinema has emerged in the 1980s and 1990s as a powerfully creative force in Hollywood filmmaking, reflecting and helping to shape the historic convergence of media culture, technology, and consumerism. It corresponds to the post-Fordist, globalized phase of capitalist development typified by increasing class polarization, social atomization, urban chaos and violence, ecological crisis, and mass depoliticization. Departing from the modernist cultural tradition grounded in the Enlightenment, norms of industrial society, and faith in historical progress, postmodern cinema is characterized by disjointed narratives, a dark view of the human condition, images of chaos and random violence, death of the hero, emphasis on technique over content, and dystopic views of the future. While postmodern directors such as Woody Allen, Oliver Stone, Robert Altman, Quentin Tarantino, the Coen Brothers, Mike Figgis, and John Waters produce films that are often highly original and even subversive, their departure from conventional Hollywood formulas and motifs that define the studio system - their pronounced cultural radicalism - is rarely associated with any sort of political radicalism even where a harsh social critique might be visible. Postmodern cinema helps reproduce the very popular mood of anxiety, uncertainty, fear, and cynicism that it mirrors in the general society. 相似文献
328.
Carl Henrik Knutsen Andreas Kotsadam Eivind Hammersmark Olsen Tore Wig 《American journal of political science》2017,61(2):320-334
We investigate whether mining affects local corruption in Africa. Several cross‐country analyses report that natural resources have adverse effects on political institutions by increasing corruption, whereas other country‐level studies show no evidence of such “political resource curses.” These studies face well‐known endogeneity and other methodological issues, and employing micro‐level data would allow for drawing stronger inferences. Hence, we connect 92,762 Afrobarometer survey respondents to spatial data on 496 industrial mines. Using a difference‐in‐differences strategy, we find that mining increases bribe payments, and this result is robust to using alternative models. Mines are initially located in less corrupt areas, but mining areas turn more corrupt after mines open. When exploring mechanisms, we find that local economic activity relates differently to corruption in mining and non‐mining areas, suggesting that mining income incentivizes and enables local officials already present to require more bribes. 相似文献
329.
330.
Noah Carl 《The Political quarterly》2017,88(4):674-683
Since late 2007, the Eurozone has been embroiled in a crisis that has seen GDP per capita stagnate, public debt soar, and unemployment reach record levels. This article argues that the Eurozone crisis will inevitably force fundamental changes in the structure of the EU. The only way to make the Eurozone work is through deeper fiscal integration of Eurozone economies. Yet wholesale fiscal integration cannot be achieved in the near term, due to the fact that EU citizens continue to identify more with their own nationalities than with Europe as a whole. The Eurozone economies of southern Europe will, therefore, continue to flounder, leading to further anti‐EU sentiment. Anti‐EU sentiment may eventually increase up to the point where one or all of these countries leave the Eurozone or the EU altogether. These propositions are supported with arguments from economic theory, and are bolstered by evidence from surveys and opinion polls. 相似文献