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331.
Carl Boggs 《New Political Science》2013,35(4):451-466
One of the epic moments in the American political experience, Pearl Harbor has been the subject of continuous historical analysis as well as cinematic documentation and representation—and remains a topic of debate to this day. As the event which triggered US entry into World War II, it fundamentally altered the way Americans came to view the global arena and the US place within it. Although Pearl Harbor at the time symbolized national defeat and humiliation at the hands of the Japanese, the event has been celebrated in endless ceremonies, rituals, books, TV specials, monuments, and movies, emerging as a defining moment of the “good war” legacy. This article explores the distinctive film output associated with Pearl Harbor, with particular focus on Michael Bay's 2001 blockbuster Pearl Harbor, and argues that this movie (among others) so systematically distorts and mystifies the actual historical record as to thoroughly “remake” the event and everything surrounding it for public consumption. 相似文献
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Noah Carl 《The Political quarterly》2017,88(4):674-683
Since late 2007, the Eurozone has been embroiled in a crisis that has seen GDP per capita stagnate, public debt soar, and unemployment reach record levels. This article argues that the Eurozone crisis will inevitably force fundamental changes in the structure of the EU. The only way to make the Eurozone work is through deeper fiscal integration of Eurozone economies. Yet wholesale fiscal integration cannot be achieved in the near term, due to the fact that EU citizens continue to identify more with their own nationalities than with Europe as a whole. The Eurozone economies of southern Europe will, therefore, continue to flounder, leading to further anti‐EU sentiment. Anti‐EU sentiment may eventually increase up to the point where one or all of these countries leave the Eurozone or the EU altogether. These propositions are supported with arguments from economic theory, and are bolstered by evidence from surveys and opinion polls. 相似文献
334.
Carl Boggs 《Democracy & Nature》2002,8(2):241-259
The terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, destined to strongly influence world politics well into the 21st century, can be understood as part of a larger dialectic linking US militarism and what has become global terrorism. This destructive cycle is likely to deepen as elements of American superpower hegemony--economic, political, cultural and military--become more consolidated, and as the USA continues to pursue its unprecedented and ill-defined war against terrorism. The goal of US ruling elites is to make the world increasingly accessible to capital investment, free trade and corporate domination while simultaneously closing off viable alternatives to the neoliberal New World Order. Here terrorism in its different manifestations amounts to both a striking back at US empire--what might be seen as an especially virulent form of blowback--and the unintended relegitimation of this empire as it helps to bolster the war economy and security state. One of the debilitating consequences of the militarism-terrorism cycle is a further closing off of political discourse in the US in the midst of a resurgent national chauvinism, ideological conformism and militarised culture. 相似文献
335.
Postmodern cinema has emerged in the 1980s and 1990s as a powerfully creative force in Hollywood filmmaking, reflecting and helping to shape the historic convergence of media culture, technology, and consumerism. It corresponds to the post-Fordist, globalized phase of capitalist development typified by increasing class polarization, social atomization, urban chaos and violence, ecological crisis, and mass depoliticization. Departing from the modernist cultural tradition grounded in the Enlightenment, norms of industrial society, and faith in historical progress, postmodern cinema is characterized by disjointed narratives, a dark view of the human condition, images of chaos and random violence, death of the hero, emphasis on technique over content, and dystopic views of the future. While postmodern directors such as Woody Allen, Oliver Stone, Robert Altman, Quentin Tarantino, the Coen Brothers, Mike Figgis, and John Waters produce films that are often highly original and even subversive, their departure from conventional Hollywood formulas and motifs that define the studio system - their pronounced cultural radicalism - is rarely associated with any sort of political radicalism even where a harsh social critique might be visible. Postmodern cinema helps reproduce the very popular mood of anxiety, uncertainty, fear, and cynicism that it mirrors in the general society. 相似文献
336.
“Men who smell of fear”: The Menzies Government and Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence
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Carl Watts 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2016,62(3):404-418
This article uses international archival sources to examine Australian policy on the problem of Rhodesian independence during the 1960s. It demonstrates that until November 1965 the Australian government led by Sir Robert Menzies followed a finely balanced policy that was broadly supportive of Britain but also sympathetic to the Rhodesian Front. However, the Australian response to Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) revealed increasing bureaucratic conflict in Australian policy‐making and exposed the limits of Australian support for Britain in dealing with the international consequences of the UDI. Analysis of Australia's decision to not attend the Lagos Conference in January 1966 demonstrates the Menzies government's anxiety about the implications of racial issues for Australian domestic and foreign policies. This suggests that historians should pay more attention to the significance of Africa in Australian foreign relations during the Menzies era. 相似文献
337.
Carl Riskin 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3):57-61
AbstractThe contrast between Japan's emergence from the late nineteenth century as an industrializing nation and China's continued relative stagnation during the same period constitutes a puzzle that has provoked many attempts at solution. To heighten the sense of paradox, a number of observers have echoed the view of the late Alexander Eckstein thatan informed observer appraising the prospects of economic development and modernization in Asia from the vantage point of 1840 might well have picked China—rather than Japan—as the most likely candidate. China was a vast empire more populous than Japan, much better endowed with mineral resources and large internal markets. Even in terms of social and political institutions, China might have appeared to be in the better position [etc.] 相似文献
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The first 150 words of the full text of this article appear below. Key points
1. The Convention as a response to evolving markets
2. Certainty as to applicable law as the result of express agreement
Scope of the law chosen: issues, definitions and internationality Express agreement in either of two forms The Qualifying Office requirement
3. Fall-back rules and pre-Convention agreements
The fall-back rules Pre-Convention agreements
4. Conclusion
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- Transactions involving intermediated securities –ie securities that are held in an account with a broker, bank,clearing agency or other intermediary – demand a highdegree of ex ante legal certainty. However, for intermediatedsecurities accounts and transactions that reach across bordersas is increasingly prevalent, the traditional conflicts of lawrules for many of the most important commercial law issues failto provide this certainty.
- The Hague Securities Conventionprovides a modern and practical approach for determining theapplicable law. In most cases, the express terms of the agreementbetween the applicable account holder and its intermediary willbe determinative, including as against third parties, providedthat at the time of the agreement the intermediary is engagedin the business of maintaining securities accounts in the specifiedjurisdiction. The Convention is expected to be ratified in somenations fairly soon.
- Once the Convention becomes effective,it
. . . [Full Text of this Article]