首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   625篇
  免费   43篇
各国政治   51篇
工人农民   23篇
世界政治   55篇
外交国际关系   24篇
法律   325篇
中国共产党   1篇
中国政治   3篇
政治理论   170篇
综合类   16篇
  2022年   3篇
  2021年   3篇
  2020年   15篇
  2019年   17篇
  2018年   15篇
  2017年   25篇
  2016年   23篇
  2015年   12篇
  2014年   17篇
  2013年   100篇
  2012年   15篇
  2011年   17篇
  2010年   9篇
  2009年   22篇
  2008年   27篇
  2007年   29篇
  2006年   35篇
  2005年   27篇
  2004年   22篇
  2003年   18篇
  2002年   22篇
  2001年   18篇
  2000年   10篇
  1999年   12篇
  1998年   7篇
  1997年   6篇
  1996年   5篇
  1995年   6篇
  1994年   5篇
  1993年   5篇
  1992年   9篇
  1991年   4篇
  1990年   5篇
  1989年   3篇
  1988年   7篇
  1987年   6篇
  1986年   6篇
  1985年   5篇
  1984年   11篇
  1983年   6篇
  1981年   3篇
  1980年   8篇
  1979年   5篇
  1977年   5篇
  1976年   4篇
  1974年   6篇
  1971年   5篇
  1970年   4篇
  1969年   3篇
  1966年   2篇
排序方式: 共有668条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
191.
While the Korea–United States (KORUS) free-trade agreement negotiations were concluded in 2007, and ratified in 2011, the agreement has remained deeply controversial. Labor unions, civil society groups, and opposition politicians in South Korea have criticized the agreement as being unfair, and also in the United States have voices spoken out against the agreement. The process of negotiation by South Korea was deeply flawed, and the conclusion of the agreement, that included a unilateral ratification by the ruling party in National Assembly, was forcefully opposed by many groups in South Korean society with violent demonstrations leading almost to the collapse of the Lee Myung-bak government. This article argues that it was not only the perception of potential economic damage to, in particular agricultural, domestic interest that was the main cause of the public resistance to the agreement, but that the unique nature of the relationship with the United States, and how this influenced the progress of negotiating and ratifying the agreement in South Korea, was a leading course of the divisiveness of the agreement and the massive resistance it faced. This is also why while the conservative Park Geun-hye government has expressed its willingness to re-negotiate other free-trade agreements, it has remained adamant in its refusal to even consider reopening the KORUS agreement. It is not only the apparent trade benefits that accrued to South Korea that is behind this refusal. With the ruling party having lost the April 2016 National Assembly elections and presidential elections scheduled for December 2017, the conservative elite, concerned about its electoral fate, has no interest in re-opening such a divisive issue as the KORUS free-trade agreement.  相似文献   
192.
By looking at the autoplay videos posted and shared on Hillary Clinton’s Facebook account during the 2015 Facebook. 2015. “The Value of Video for Brands.” Webpage Accessed 28 April 2017. https://www.facebook.com/business/news/value-of-video [Google Scholar]/2016 Clinton, H. 2016. “A Special Moment during a Meeting with the Union of Peasants. Yes You Can! Watch the Video. Facebook Status Update.” Retrieved 20 November 2016. https://www.facebook.com/hillaryclinton/posts/1090969694292892 [Google Scholar] primary election season, this article offers much needed insight into the communication aspect of campaign targeting. Using data analysis extracted from the leading social media platform, the article examines what groups of Hispanic Facebook users were attracted to Clinton’s targeted autoplay videos, what elements within these videos best enticed these people into liking the videos, and if the Clinton campaign appeared to learn what types of autoplay videos were most effective over the course of the primary season.  相似文献   
193.
The US political debate over LGBT rights and religious liberty is shaping a similar contest in South Korea (Korea). Stories of American Christians criminally fined for refusing to service same-sex weddings, or university students and faculty punished for expressing their conservative beliefs, are widely shared in Korea’s evangelical media. The victim narrative, prominent among American evangelicals, teaches their Korean brethren that the expansion of LGBT legal rights and social acceptance endangers religious liberties. The conclusion is that that they must politically mobilize to oppose LGBT demands in Korea, even though the local movement is nascent and weak. There is, however, a second, more complex narrative emerging from the United States. This is one of Christian empathy, including stories of gay Christians wrestling with their twin identities, and of heterosexual Christians providing love and support, rather than condemnation. The empathy narrative has limited visibility in current political debates, but it encourages personal dialogues between gays and non-gay Christians and is a consequential step to understanding and tolerance. Drawing on learning and emulation theories, and conducting an empirical study of evangelical media and gay/heterosexual evangelicals in Korea, we consider the effects of these two American narratives in Korea.  相似文献   
194.
195.
Equality of opportunity, or equality of individuals in a competition to reach unequal positions, has emerged as a fundamental cultural value over the course of American history. However, the ability of individuals to achieve desired occupations and statuses is limited by the structure of available opportunities and by the social origins of individuals. Affirmative action is an effort to engineer equality of opportunity by government intervention to promote the upward mobility of individuals with disadvantaged backgrounds. In the past, this effort has been directed primarily at compensating for the historical consequences of slavery and racial discrimination, but more recently socio-economic affirmative action has taken on the task of compensating for all disadvantages of social origin. This attempt faces several serious problems, though. It assumes that government is capable of continually re-engineering the competition. Beyond that, it aims at directing everyone toward a relatively small number of socially desired positions, promoting chronic shortages in the less-desired but necessary occupations.  相似文献   
196.
197.
In recent weeks, I have been considering the problems facedby those seeking to secure, protect, or exploit IP in the Africancontinent. It seems that, despite the wide spectrum of cultural,ethnic, geographic, and economic differences demonstrated acrossthat vast continent, there are some features which are so widelyshared as to be virtually pandemic. One problem facing Africa's 54 countries (or more, dependingon how you count countries and  相似文献   
198.
199.
200.
Lebeck  Carl 《Public Choice》2003,114(1-2):241-245
  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号