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271.
Relying on a formal theoretical model, Gary Cox demonstrates that single member districts induce candidates toward policy positions at their constituency median while multimember districts encourage dispersion. We test this theoretical implication in the context of the Arizona state legislature, in which each legislative district chooses one senator and two representatives in single member and multimember contests respectively. To do so, we generate W-NOMINATE estimates of scores based on roll-call data from the Arizona state legislature that are comparable across chambers (Senate and House). Our results are substantially less supportive of the formal theory than are those of prior studies. 相似文献
272.
This article examines the state of federalism in the Bush Administrationfrom the perspective of the policy area of homeland securityand disaster response. The article uses the International Cityand County Management Association homeland security survey completedin the spring and summer of 2005 as a source of data. The articleargues that while it is tempting to look for one single agencyto control homeland security and disaster response, a networkedmodel is better supported by the survey data and by recent experiencein terrorist and natural disaster response. 相似文献
273.
The Who,When, and Where of Executive Nominations: Integrating Agency Independence and Appointee Ideology
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Gary E. Hollibaugh Jr. Lawrence S. Rothenberg 《American journal of political science》2018,62(2):296-311
In recent years, scholars have expended considerable efforts to understand the executive appointment process and the forces influencing the choices made by the president and the Senate. However, some factors integral to theoretical models have not been well integrated empirically, and other relevant factors have not been incorporated much at all. Here, we focus on one determinant corresponding to the former critique—nominee ideology—and another corresponding to the latter—the independence of decision makers in the targeted agencies. We examine a series of theoretically driven hypotheses regarding the effects of both ideology and independence on who gets nominated and if and when nominees are eventually confirmed. Results show nominee ideology and decision maker independence matter a great deal and factor into presidential strategic choices and senatorial responses in ways according to expectations. Our findings have important ramifications for understanding appointments empirically and for future theoretical development. 相似文献
274.
Horacio Larreguy Cesar E. Montiel Olea Pablo Querubin 《American journal of political science》2017,61(4):877-891
Political brokers mobilize voters all over the world, yet little is known about what motivates them to do so. This article theorizes about two drivers of brokers' efforts: (1) incentives—monetary rewards or sanctions—and monitoring and (2) partisan attachment. We examine our theory using data on the Mexican National Educational Workers Union (SNTE), Latin America's largest union and a well‐known political machine. Consistent with the role of teachers as brokers, we find that the vote share of parties supported by the SNTE machine is higher in polling stations located in schools. This effect is absent when teachers are asked to mobilize voters in support of a party for which they have no partisan attachment, and it is uncorrelated with the union's monitoring capacity. This suggests that partisan attachment, rather than incentives and monitoring, explains the SNTE's effectiveness as a political machine. 相似文献
275.
Richard D. Anderson Jr. 《Communist and Post》2010,43(4):397-408
Violations of rights, a weak Duma, political parties dominated by bureaucrats, and corrupt privatization are ordinarily taken as signs or even causes of the failure of democracy in Russia or at best as normal traits of electoral politics in a middle-income state. Yet all of these are natural consequences of introducing democracy in a country with the Russian electorate’s distinctive recent experience of a loss of a third of the state’s territory and half its population. In such a democracy only a centrist, not a liberal, strategy can block a return to authoritarianism, and such a strategy in Russia will subordinate rights to the task of privatization that a Duma weakened by ideological, demographic and geographic impediments to party development cannot conduct. Consequently what are taken as signs or causes of democratic failure in Russia are instead necessary effects of introducing democracy in Russia’s special circumstances. 相似文献
276.
The Confederate Congress passed draconian trade legislation in February 1864 to regulate the blockade running business in contrast to their free trade agenda. This legislation created higher prices and deadweight costs except in areas under Union control. We examine the series of votes and proposed amendments relating to the passage of this legislation and find that representatives were more likely to vote for trade regulations if their districts would be largely unaffected by the legislation, such as those districts under Union occupation. This private interest explanation provides a heretofore unexplored historical example of public choice theory under extreme conditions. 相似文献
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278.
Since 1964 and 1972 when Congress passed key legislation concerning sex discrimination, the courts have been left to fashion policies on sexual harassment in employment. In 1998, the Supreme Court issued four major decisions in this area, one dealing with suits against school districts, one involving same-sex discrimination, and two pertaining to the application of common law to employer liability in sexual harassment cases. The ruling in the first case is at odds with the others, suggesting that Congress may need to intervene. The other three pose a series of complex issues that could benefit from congressional action and administrative guidance from the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. The Court's rulings have answered some legal questions, but posed others that will produce extensive litigation in coming years. 相似文献
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