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21.
Latinas in the United States are at a disproportionate risk for STDs and sexual risk behaviors. Among Latinas, acculturation
has been found to be one of the most important predictors of these behaviors. Therefore, this study examined the longitudinal
association between Latina adolescents’ level of acculturation and multiple sexual risk outcomes, including self-report STD
diagnosis, four or more life-time sex partners, regret of sexual initiation after alcohol use, and lack of condom use during
young adulthood. Based on the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health), this study includes a nationally
representative sample of 1,073 Latina adolescents (ages 11–20 at Wave 1) transitioning into young adulthood (ages 18–27 at
Wave 3). Our findings indicate that more acculturated Latinas who spoke English at home were more likely to have STDs and
to exhibit sexual risk behaviors than Latinas who were foreign-born and did not use English at home. Interventions that aim
to promote sexual and reproductive health among young Latinas should take into consideration their different levels of acculturation.
This approach holds greater potential for reducing health disparities among Latinas. 相似文献
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研究人文旅游资源次优区的内涵、特征和开发策略对旅游目的地规划、开发及旅游资源保护与可持续发展等具有重要意义.要从创新开发人文旅游资源,构建休闲文化旅游产业集群,塑造独特旅游形象和整合营销传播,改善交通区位条件,加强区域旅游合作和旅游承载力管理等方面入手,研究制定人文旅游资源次优区旅游可持续发展策略. 相似文献
24.
We offer a model of how interest groups affect policy stability. The relationship between interest group density and policy volatility is concave because of two forces: (a) the number and interaction of interest groups in a policy domain and (b) the effect of this interaction on policy image and attention. After laying out the logics of both processes, we identify three ideal type situations: (a) capture (low interest group density, low attention) and (b) deadlock (high interest group density, high attention) lead to low levels of policy volatility while (c) lability (medium interest group density, intermittent attention) leads to high levels of policy volatility. For our empirical evidence, we rely on all budget functions in the American states from 1984 to 2010 and employ generalized additive regression modeling. The article contributes to the literature on understanding interest group strategies, interest group influence in policy making, and broader questions of deliberative democracy. 相似文献
25.
Do citizens hold congressional candidates accountable for their policy positions? Recent studies reach different conclusions on this important question. In line with the predictions of spatial voting theory, a number of recent survey-based studies have found reassuring evidence that voters choose the candidate with the most spatially proximate policy positions. In contrast, most electoral studies find that candidates’ ideological moderation has only a small association with vote margins, especially in the modern, polarized Congress. We bring clarity to these discordant findings using the largest dataset to date of voting behavior in congressional elections. We find that the ideological positions of congressional candidates have only a small association with citizens’ voting behavior. Instead, citizens cast their votes “as if” based on proximity to parties rather than individual candidates. The modest degree of candidate-centered spatial voting in recent Congressional elections may help explain the polarization and lack of responsiveness in the contemporary Congress. 相似文献
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Chris Ealham 《Labor History》2017,58(3):245-270
Revisionist historians and their Neo-Revisionist/conservative fellow travellers identify the Spanish left as the main cause of the civil war (1936–1939) that culminated in the establishment of the Franco dictatorship. Such claims are possible because these historians distort both the history of the left and the nature of social protest and mass mobilisation during these years. In part, the reliance of Neo-Revisionist/conservative historians on the methods of traditional political history – combined with their stubborn aversion to social history – makes it impossible for them to understand the left. This article argues that only through social history is it possible to comprehend the complex and shifting nature of protest dynamics in the 1930s. Indeed, many of the conflicts that played out in the political arena during these years were conditioned by structural economic problems and social tensions that resulted in diverse forms of radical contestation among the grassroots of leftist movements. Social, and indeed cultural history, are, therefore, central to any analysis of the myriad forms of these protest energies that flowed from the bottom up to shape the orientation of the leftist organisations. 相似文献
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Chris Wilson 《Nationalism and Ethnic Politics》2017,23(3):280-296
Spoilers of peace agreements are normally seen as motivated by utility maximization, their actions intended to gain a larger proportion of postconflict political power or economic wealth. In this article, I examine this perspective via a comparative analysis of two cases of spoiler violence in Assam, India, one involving a spoiler excluded from the agreement and the other a spoiler central to the peace process and the postconflict political and economic milieu. Both cases suggest that some spoiling action following peace agreements is less instrumental and driven more by emotional and ideological phenomena than this leading understanding suggests. 相似文献
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