Civic integration in Western Europe: three debates

Since the late 1990s, civic integration has become the dominant immigrant integration policy in Western Europe. This article reviews three debates surrounding the new policy: first, whether there is policy convergence or persistent variation along national models of integration; secondly, whether civic integration marks a retreat from multiculturalism, or is merely layered on resilient multiculturalist policies; and, thirdly, whether the new policy is liberal or illiberal, and whether it entails a return of cultural assimilation. It is argued that civic integration converges cross-nationally with respect to policy goals and instruments, while extant variation is often incoherent or touching more on the form than the substance of policy; that civic integration is national-level policy that tends to coexist with ongoing de facto multiculturalism, especially at local level; and that civic integration mostly remains in a liberal register, as it is still integration and not assimilation, which would connote forced identity change.     

Empty Promises and Nonincorporation in Mercosur

Why do the member states of the world’s fourth-largest trading block incorporate only about two-thirds of all policies they adopt? This article argues that empty promises are an important reason for Mercosur’s incorporation problems and that Mercosur’s institutional design furthers such a defective behavior. Member governments easily sign agreements whenever they are rewarded for the mere act of doing so. However, if they expect high costs from implementing these policies, they try to avoid incorporation. Since only the last state to incorporate a policy triggers its overall legal validity, Mercosur’s members can easily veto any agreement ex post. In addition to empty promises, mismanaged drafting and incorporation and the abuse of negotiation power also pose important obstacles to incorporation. Free riding, however, does not play a role. Due to the incorporation rules, there can be no externalities that incentivize unilateral defection. The article substantiates the arguments empirically with the multivariate analysis of the complete incorporation record of 1,033 policies adopted between 1994 and 2008.     

Mapping giant honey bee nests in Palawan,Philippines through a transdisciplinary approach

This article reports on a study that uses participatory mapping with indigenous Tagbanua honey hunters and gatherers to understand the spatial distribution of giant honey bees in a community forest in Palawan, Philippines. Through the use of global positioning system devices, digital cameras, and a solar home system as an electricity source, local collaborators mapped 31 bee nests from April to June 2015. This study provides a replicable long-term participatory methodology and promotes participatory learning and mutual knowledge creation. By combining applied sustainability research with local stakeholder participation, the article suggests that novel knowledge and solutions can aid sustainable rural development.     

Legal reform need not come first: Merit‐based civil service management in law and practice

Introducing merit recruitment of public servants is a central good governance reform. To move towards merit in practice, legislation which mandates merit recruitment is considered a necessary but insufficient first step by many scholars and practitioners. Merit‐based civil service legislation should thus be sought before reform in practice. This article challenges this reasoning. It argues that merit laws are neither sufficient nor necessary: they leave the incumbent's possibility frontier for patronage and meritocracy in practice unaffected. Large‐ and small‐n evidence supports this assertion. Analyses of an original dataset of coded civil service legislation in 117 countries from 1975 to 2015 suggest that countries can attain meritocratic recruitment with and without legal merit requirements. Subsequently, a comparison of Paraguay and the Dominican Republic provides micro‐evidence for the underlying mechanism. Conventional wisdom about the sequencing of governance reforms in developing countries may thus be misleading: legal reform need not come first.     

Identity,procedures and performance: how authoritarian regimes legitimize their rule

ABSTRACT

Constructing convincing legitimacy claims is important for securing the stability of authoritarian regimes. However, extant research has struggled to systematically analyse how authoritarians substantiate their right to rule. We analyse a novel data set on authoritarian regimes’ claims to legitimacy that is based on leading country experts’ assessments of 98 states for the period 1991–2010. This analysis provides key new insights into the inner workings and legitimation strategies of current non-democratic regimes. Closed authoritarian regimes predominately rely on identity-based legitimacy claims (foundational myth, ideology and personalism). In contrast, elections fundamentally change how authoritarian rulers relate to society. In their legitimacy claims, electoral authoritarian regimes focus on their ‘adequate’ procedures, thereby mimicking democracies. All regimes also stress their purported success in proving material welfare and security to their citizens.     

Zur Theorie der Interessenvermittlung: Ein Netzwerkansatz dargestellt am Beispiel der Gemeinsamen Europäischen Agrarpolitik

Recent policy network studies contribute significantly to the theory of interest mediation. Despite this contribution policy network approaches still contain major theoretical deficiencies and a lack of empirical application can be observed. In this context a typology of systems of interest mediation is theoretically derived on the basis of new developments in the political exchange theory (Pappi/Henning 1998a). Analogously to the typology of economic markets, the typology corresponds to the social organization of political exchange in policy networks. Further, it is demonstrated that in contrast to conclusions found in the literature no general correspondence of specific types of interest mediation and policy-outcomes in terms of weak versus strong states, efficient versus inefficient economic policies and biased versus unbiased mediation of societies interests can be expected. In the empirical part of the paper the typology is applied to the European Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) using policy network data. In particular, a block model analysis is applied aggregating a set of multiple network relations among a multitude of public and private actors operating in the CAP to identify whether the overall social macro structure corresponds to national clientelism or supranational pluralism.     

Robust emergency management: The role of institutional trust in organized volunteers

In these turbulent times of increased frequency and magnitude of emergencies caused by climate change, pandemics, and other public safety hazards, there has been a growing interest in the question of how to enhance the robustness of emergency management systems. Recent research points to integrated networks of public and non-profit actors as a superior strategy for developing robust governance responses to turbulent problems. This article suggests that institutionally conditioned trust between professionals and volunteers is key to robust emergency management. Based on institutional trust theory and the findings of an empirical case study of local emergency management in Denmark and Norway, it shows how six institutional sources of trust condition the scalable use of organized emergency management volunteers. The study contributes with a theoretical argument and empirical insights on how institutional trust strengthens the robust governance and management of emergencies.     

IMF flexibility or neoliberal adaptation: A discursive content analysis of Article IV policy biases in Argentina

At the turn of the century, the consensus among scholars was that the International Monetary Fund's (IMF) policy preferences, which centered on deflation via austerity, privatization, and deregulation, were indicative of its neoliberal bias. However, a subsequent wave of literature has challenged this view by suggesting that the IMF has demonstrated flexibility. While these accounts arrive at their conclusion via different analytical and empirical focuses, this article posits that the flexibility or breath of ideas found within the discourse itself is key to gauging policy biases (previous study). Herein, this article contributes to the question of whether the IMF can be considered a “flexible” institution via its analysis on Argentina (1989–2006; 2016–2017). Extending a previous study's methods, this one provides a “discursive content analysis,” on the IMF–Argentine Article IV consultations. Ultimately, the findings show that policy discourse remained neoliberal throughout.     

Le syndrome du SUrViVant et les fonctionnaires fédéraux du Quebec: vers une répudiation du discours managériel dominant

Sommaire: La littérature en études managérielles et en gestion des ressources humaines concemant la décroissance organisationnelle et la réduction des effectifs maintient depuis une quinzaine d'années que leur principal effet néfaste serait le syndrome du survivant. Menace très réelle A l'accroissement de l'efficacité et de I'effi‐cience recherché par la décroissance organisationnelle, le syndrome du survivant nécessiterait d'être combattu par des pratiques de gestion des ressources humaines stratégiques pouvant éliminer ou amoindrir les symptômes couramment associés à ce syndrome. Cette recherche s'intéresse aux variations du syndrome du survivant dans des organisations de I'administration publique fédérale au Québec suite à sa sévère réduction des effectifs durant les années quatre‐vingt‐dix. Construite à partir d'un questionnaire complété par 3 307 fonctionnaires de vingt‐trois (23) ministères et agences de la Fonction publique fédérale du Canada répartis dans les seize (16) régions administratives du Québec, cette recherche suggère que le syndrome du survivant est un phénomène de faible intensité dans le cas des fonctionnaires fédéraux du Québec. Elle suggère également, suite à l'analyse factorielle et la régression linéaire, que les pratiques de gestion des ressources humaines privilégiées dans ces organisations publiques n'expliquent que très faiblement la variation des symptômes couramment associés au syndrome du survivant. En ce sens, cette recherche dément le discours pratique dominant sur le syndrome du survivant et le guide d'action managériel qui le sous‐tend, sans pour autant suggérer que la réduction des effectifs soit une décision et un processus exempt de tout effet pervers ou de conséquence non voulue. Abstract: Mainstream literature in human resource management (hrm) and managerial studies have suggested repeatedly over the last fifteen years that the main unintended consequence of downsizing is the so‐called survivor syndrome, a potentially