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571.
Christian Holzner 《Juristische Bl?tter》2010,132(12):750-764
Die Ranganmerkung für die beabsichtigte Abtretung der Hypothekarforderung soll dem neuen Hypothekargl?ubiger den geplanten Forderungserwerb auf ?hnliche Weise absichern wie die Ver?u?erungsranganmerkung dem Liegenschaftserwerber den Eigentumserwerb. Die Abh?ngigkeit des sachenrechtlichen Hypothekenerwerbs vom Vorhandensein einer gesicherten Forderung streut aber Sand in dieses Konzept der Abtretungsranganmerkung, insbesondere, wenn der Schuldner zwischenzeitig die gesicherte Forderung bezahlt. Die Arbeit versucht, eine L?sung für das geltende Recht zu entwickeln, aber auch Vorschl?ge zur Verbesserung der gesetzlichen Regelung zu machen. Der zweite Teil geht der verwandten Frage nach, wie sich die Zahlung der hypothekarisch gesicherten Forderung durch den unverst?ndigten Schuldner auf die zuvor bereits beantragte Einverleibung einer Afterhypothek auswirkt. Er?rtert wird weiters, ob die Afterverpf?ndung die Verpf?ndung der gesicherten Forderung voraussetzt. 相似文献
572.
Christian Markl 《wohnrechtliche bl?tter: wobl》2010,23(10):265-273
Der vorliegende Beitrag besch?ftigt sich mit der Frage, ob die Kündigungstatbest?nde des MRG um einen Kündigungsgrund aus wirtschaftlichen Gründen erweitert werden sollen, wobei bei der Darstellung rechtsvergleichend die Bestimmung des § 573 Abs 2 Nr 3 BGB mitberücksichtigt wird. 相似文献
573.
Christian B. Jensen Sven‐Oliver Proksch Jonathan B. Slapin 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2013,38(2):259-282
This study examines when and why members of the European Parliament (EP) use parliamentary questions as a form of fire alarm oversight. We argue that the multilevel nature of the EU political system allows members of the EP from national opposition parties to use parliamentary questions to alert the European Commission to governments' failures to implement EU policy. Representation in the EP provides the only avenue for such oversight for national opposition parties. Using a new sample of EP parliamentary questions, we demonstrate that MEPs from national opposition parties are more likely to alert the Commission to violations of EU law in their own member states. These parliamentary questions may lead the Commission to take legal action against member‐state governments. 相似文献
574.
This article makes a case for a reconceptualisation of aid and development programme design. Specifically, it questions the role of the international “development expert” in the design and implementation process. We argue that by employing “design thinking” as a guiding principle, the way in which aid programmes are envisaged and delivered can be radically overhauled, resulting in dramatically improved outcomes for the users of aid. We argue that practical improvements in delivery are achievable through locally rooted, “user-driven” development solutions that originate from the beneficiaries themselves. Design thinking as applied here goes significantly further than other programme design and implementation methodologies that champion locally owned, needs-driven assistance. Furthermore, we make a case for this approach addressing wider problems within the sector, namely the perception, in some quarters, that aid is intrinsically “neo-imperialist” in design and ideologically driven. 相似文献
575.
Christian Marxsen 《European Law Journal》2019,25(5):480-486
Jürgen Habermas's discourse theory of law has shaped debates on what we consider to be legitimate law. This contribution will firstly identify the Zeitgeist in which discourse theory emerged. Secondly, it points out the emancipatory potential of law that discourse theory has helped us to understand, both on a domestic and a transnational level. Thirdly, the paper turns to discuss two recent challenges for the discourse theory of law, namely (a) the realities of social power that undermine and contradict its promises, and (b) the rise of populism, which places the core normative assumptions of discourse theory in doubt. 相似文献
576.
Christian A. Bracho 《Politics & Policy》2019,47(1):152-177
Drawing on ethnographic data and interviews with 45 teachers, teacher trainers, and union officials in Oaxaca, Mexico, this article asserts that teachers’ beliefs in “Oaxacan exceptionalism”—the idea that the state is fundamentally different from the rest of Mexico—underpinned teachers’ resistance against professionalization policies embedded in the Alliance for the Quality of Education, a sweeping reform inspired by the Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development. Teachers within Oaxaca’s union chapter, Section 22, described the reforms as an imposition of policies ill‐suited to the state’s linguistic and cultural diversity, its economic disparities, and rural‐urban divides. Resistance also symbolized local efforts to preserve Oaxacans’ dissident teaching traditions and Section 22’s professional authority, in the face of modernization efforts by the Mexican government, the national union, and international agencies. The study reveals how teachers can resist global educational policies by defending local traditions and asserting regional autonomy. 相似文献
577.
The aim of this study was to model various social and cognitive processes believed to be associated with true and false confessions by exploring the link between investigative biases and what occurs in the interrogation room. Using the Russano et al. (Psychol Sci 16:481-486, 2005) paradigm, this study explored how perceptions of guilt influenced the frequency and type of interrogation tactics used, suspect's perceptions of the interrogation process, the likelihood of confession, and investigator's resulting perceptions of culpability. Results suggested that investigator bias led to the increased use of minimization tactics and thereby increased the likelihood of false confessions by innocent participants. In contrast, the manipulation of investigator bias had no direct or indirect influence on guilty participants. These findings confirm the important role of investigator bias and improve our understanding of the decision-making process associated with true and false confessions. 相似文献
578.
579.
Amy Ickowitz Ben Richardson Christian Lund Michael Witter Sergio E. Gómez 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(1):193-207
Food sovereignty, as a counter-movement to the food regime, includes a range of struggles, and is evidently quite elastic as a discourse and practice. Because the food regime itself is evolving and restructuring, food sovereignty embodies movement. In its ‘second generation’ phase it operates on both rural and urban fronts, separately and together, connecting producers, workers, consumers and various activist organizations. Nevertheless, it is important to recognize food sovereignty's origins in the global agrarian crisis of the last three decades. Small producers (peasants, farmers, pastoralists, fishers, forest-dwellers) continue to experience massive displacement by World Trade Organization (WTO)-style ‘free trade’, overlaid with new displacements by fiat, force and finance as land grabbing in various forms proceeds apace. This is a key theme in a response to Henry Bernstein's questions about the character of the food sovereignty movement. 相似文献
580.
Christian Thuselt 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》2017,44(2):194-210
AbstractThis contribution questions the widespread assumption of Lebanese parties being mere ‘instruments’ in their leaders’ hands by asking what partisans see through their chairmen. It describes an informal social contract between partisans and leaders, outlining reciprocity in interpreting the ‘cause’, being symbolized by the latter. The core of this contract is made up by a particular interpretation of a global normativity of the modern nation-state and reciprocity. Whereas the latter might be deeply felt, it often lacks institutionalized control within the party. Finally, the contribution highlights some noticeable restrictions of this informal contractility. 相似文献