首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   302篇
  免费   19篇
各国政治   20篇
工人农民   39篇
世界政治   25篇
外交国际关系   17篇
法律   156篇
中国政治   6篇
政治理论   57篇
综合类   1篇
  2023年   5篇
  2022年   7篇
  2021年   3篇
  2020年   10篇
  2019年   6篇
  2018年   15篇
  2017年   18篇
  2016年   15篇
  2015年   14篇
  2014年   17篇
  2013年   45篇
  2012年   11篇
  2011年   15篇
  2010年   20篇
  2009年   7篇
  2008年   15篇
  2007年   20篇
  2006年   15篇
  2005年   10篇
  2004年   8篇
  2003年   7篇
  2002年   3篇
  2001年   1篇
  2000年   4篇
  1999年   3篇
  1997年   3篇
  1996年   2篇
  1994年   3篇
  1993年   1篇
  1991年   3篇
  1988年   2篇
  1987年   4篇
  1986年   2篇
  1984年   1篇
  1981年   1篇
  1980年   1篇
  1979年   1篇
  1977年   2篇
  1975年   1篇
排序方式: 共有321条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
81.
This article examines the advancements, barriers, and prospects of the field of public administration as it seeks professionalism through professionalization. Overall, this essay delves into six broad areas of advancement and an equal number of obstacles. The milestones focus on the criteria of a profession and public administration's fulfillment of those standards, far-reaching credentialization, the expanding entry of women and minorities, the development of performance criteria, intergovernmental networking, and an expansion of associations. The impediments to the further evolution of the field toward professional development include the continuing value conflicts over the ultimate purposes of the field; the persistent politicization of the federal workforce; the inability of public servants to affect the uses of privatization; the erosion of national, state, and local governmental human-resource capacity; the confusion over the teaching of ethics and the promulgation of operational codes; and the prevalence of authoritarian administration without significant democratic inroads. The respective enumerations were not intended to suggest an exact symmetry between accomplishments and obstacles in the field--only that progress and deficiencies are prominent and substantial. Nor were these considered lists intended as exhaustive.

The central theme of this article is that, paradoxically, the prospects of this profession are encouraging because of the growing public need for its services despite persistent, widespread unpopularity. This research concludes that public administrators face an ambivalent future in which their emerging profession continues to prosper and expand amidst increasing alienation and frustration from the public whom they serve. This irony may not be alleviated until there is a socially and politically agreed-upon agenda for public servants to execute. If such a consensus is ever forged, then public administrators may become popular as well as professionally effective.  相似文献   
82.
The central theme of this article is that the critical stage in the development of the field of public administration—the most concentrated burst—covered the period between 1937-1940. Although this occupation experienced times of diffuse but substantial activity around World War 1 and during the 1960s and 1970s, the most profound changes took place shortly before the second world war. What chiefly sets this period apart from earlier and later periods of fermentation centers not so much on the quantity of innovations but, rather, on their nature (that is, their structural genre) and on their breath (their institutional reach).

This article starts with a perspective so that it may be better understood why this particular time span was instrumental to the growth of public administration. It reviews the contributions of preceding and subsequent eras in the evolution of the field, the article presents a structural synthesis by examining organizational innovations in four areas at the national level: (1) the executive branch, (2) the judiciary, (3) Congress, and (4) the profession of public administration. The paper concludes by exploring the forces that, in our view, made this period the most productive one in this history of the occupation. Finally, the research for this article rests on a reservoir of publicly available primary and secondary materials relevant to this period.  相似文献   
83.
This article investigates the rationales of different explanatory models that have been utilized to explain the ideology of Al Qaeda. From perceptions of madmen and religious hypocrites to Wahhabis of the twenty-first century and Salafi-Jihadists, what these approaches have in common is an “outside-in” perspective that assumes a concept of the underlying logic of Al Qaeda without sufficient reference to primary sources. It is argued that particularly those explanations that seem to have become the official wisdom regarding the fundamental logic of Al Qaeda, Wahhabism and the Salafi-Jihadist discourse, are concepts that are poorly understood and subject to much controversy. In the anxious quest to explain Al Qaeda, the terrorism studies community seems to have deviated from the guidelines of academic conduct and restricted itself to re-assuming for its own use oversimplifications of the complexity of Islamic thought, thereby granting those oversimplifications a new lease on life. The risk of such conduct is that one ends up with a misrepresentation of the very issue he or she seeks to comprehend.  相似文献   
84.
This article evaluates U.S. perception of and response to Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) operating in Yemen. It evaluates the empirical evidence on which the present understanding of the group is based, the implications of the sociopolitical context in which it operates, and the uneasy position of the Yemeni government in the War against Terror as it has been affected by U.S. policy from the early 1990s to the present. In the contested Yemeni state, AQAP is competing for political legitimacy and is increasingly dependent on public support. The U.S. kill-or-capture response, the “on–off” nature of its support that has made Yemen vulnerable to the influence of Al Qaeda in the past, and the actions of the Yemeni government itself, which depends on the continued existence of the threat to secure financial support vital for political survival, means that none of the measures being taken has the potential to defeat AQAP.  相似文献   
85.
86.
87.
Between 1964 and 1972, the National Service Act 1964 required Australian men turning twenty years old to register for national service. Unlike most scholarship on the national service scheme, which focuses on opposition to the scheme and its unpopularity, this article examines the reasons why most Australians supported the reintroduction of national service and why so many young men complied with its provisions. It argues that compulsory military service was seen as essential in the context of the Cold War, and as a way of ensuring that young men now coming of age were inducted into models of masculinity, citizenship and duty considered essential for a cohesive society. It was the scheme's break with accepted traditions of compulsory military service in Australia that is an overlooked, and important, element of the criticism it generated. In that sense, it was the legacy of earlier wars that fed into the contemporary response to national service.  相似文献   
88.
89.
90.
There is a striking lack of research on the utilisation of expert knowledge in public policy debates and party political mobilisation. Existing contributions in related fields of scholarship generate rather contradictory expectations. On the one hand, political communications literature points to the dumbing down of political debate, implying a limited role for expert knowledge. On the other hand, a number of prominent sociologists have noted the centrality of science in political debate on the politics of risk. This article suggests that the two theses are not necessarily incompatible. For knowledge to be reported in the media, it clearly needs to conform to criteria of novelty, drama and scandal, but scientific findings can and often do meet these criteria, especially in areas of risk, where there is enormous potential to scandalise government actions or omissions. The article illustrates these tendencies through an analysis of the use of expert knowledge in UK debates on migration from 2002 to 2004. It explores how research was used in parliamentary debates, speeches and newspaper coverage of three prominent episodes in the politics of migration. The examples demonstrate well how the mass media utilises research to expose political scandal. The analysis also suggests the ambivalence of political actors and especially incumbents in drawing on research. While governments are keen to utilise research to legitimise policies, they are also aware of the limitations of science in underpinning risky decisions. The article concludes with a discussion of how politics has responded to this dilemma.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号