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911.
Competency can be considered a central theme in contemporary public service reforms. This article analyzes the development of competency frameworks for senior public servants at the national–government level in three countries (the U.S., the U.K., and Germany). By tracing the development of competency as an idea, it is shown that competency reforms drew selectively on management ideas, and by tracing the nature and time-patterns of competency reform developments in the three countries, it is shown that competency came onto the reform agenda at different times and by various routes rather than by a simple pattern of international policy transfer or business-to-government transfer. It is argued that the adoption of competency frameworks took place at critical junctures for preexisting public service bargains or agreements in each case and that they were shaped by the particularities of institutional context. However, although competency is arguably central to public service reform, it is far from clear that the competency frameworks in these three cases contributed to the declared aims of many contemporary public service reformers. 相似文献
912.
Corruption, Political Allegiances, and Attitudes Toward Government in Contemporary Democracies 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
Using surveys conducted in sixteen mature and newly established democracies around the globe, this study examines the effect of corruption on people's attitudes toward government. The analysis demonstrates that citizens in countries with higher levels of corruption express more negative evaluations of the performance of the political system and exhibit lower levels of trust in civil servants. However, the results also show that the negative effect of corruption on evaluations of the political system is significantly attenuated among supporters of the incumbent political authorities. These findings provide strong and systematic evidence that informal political practices, especially those that compromise important democratic principles, should be considered important indicators of political system performance. Moreover, they imply that, while corruption is a powerful determinant of political support across widely varying political, cultural, and economic contexts, it does not uniformly diminish support for political institutions across all segments of the electorate. 相似文献
913.
914.
Micheal W. Giles Virginia A. Hettinger Christopher Zorn Todd C. Peppers 《American journal of political science》2007,51(3):449-463
The U.S. Courts of Appeals, working principally through three-judge panels, constitute important final arbiters of the meaning of the federal constitution, laws, and regulations and, hence, significant policymakers within the federal system. En banc rehearing—reconsideration of the decision of a three-judge panel by the full complement of judges appointed to the circuit—is an institutional device that ensures circuit decisions are in line with the established preferences of the circuit. The use of en banc varies in frequency across circuits and within circuits over time. Drawing on legal, attitudinal, and strategic perspectives of judicial behavior, we develop and test a set of integrated expectations regarding the causes of this variation. Our analysis finds support for the operation of all three models and suggests that the influence of ideology on the use of en banc in the recent era is not unique but part of a long-standing pattern . 相似文献
915.
Christina B. Gee Christopher M. McNerney Michael J. Reiter Suzanne C. Leaman 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2007,36(2):213-224
Data from the Fragile Families and Child-Well-being Study were used to examine predictors of involvement among fathers of
young children (N=2,215) born to adolescent and young adult mothers (ages 14–25; N=2,850). Participants were interviewed immediately following their baby's birth and at 3-years postpartum regarding co-parental
relationship quality, fathers’ caretaking behavior (“father involvement”), and fathers’ provision of material support for
the child (“in-kind” support). Early postnatal and 3-year postpartum parental relationship quality and father-child cohabitation
predicted 3-year father involvement while early father involvement did not. The race of fathers, specifically African American,
was associated with lower levels of father involvement. For in-kind support, 3-year father-child cohabitation and 3-year relationship
quality were both positively associated with provision of in-kind support. Father's income was not a significant predictor
but mother's involvement with a new partner at the 3-year follow-up was marginally significant. Lastly, the race of fathers,
specifically African American and Latino, was associated with provision of less in-kind support.
Christina B. Gee, Ph.D., Department of Psychology, The George Washington University, Christina Gee's research interests include
coparenting and father involvement during transition to parenthood among adolescent mothers and fathers, adolescent mothers’
psychological adjustment, and romantic relationships among at-risk couples.
Christopher M. McNerney, B.A., Department of Psychology, George Washington University, Christopher McNerney's research interests
include marginalized couples, couples interventions, and family treatments to improve parenting outcomes.
Michael J. Reiter, B.A., Department of Psychology, George Washington University, Michael Reiter's research interests include
interfaith and interracial romantic relationships within a family systems approach.
Suzanne C. Leaman, B.A., Department of Psychology, George Washington University, Suzanne Leaman's research interests include
adolescents and young families, minority mental health, low-income communities, and the implications of dating violence for
mental health. 相似文献
916.
917.
Richard Casey was involved in shaping Australian foreign policy for over four decades. Casey's attitudes, ideas, policies and actions towards the rest of the world are therefore an important part of a Liberal tradition in Australian foreign policy. To examine Casey's place in the Liberal tradition this article explores Casey's positions on the great international issues of two periods: the 1930s and the 1950s. The conclusion of the article is that three key ideas shaped Casey's foreign policy, and therefore also lie at the centre of the Liberal tradition; firstly, a strong attachment to the idea of the English speaking alliance; secondly, a realist perspective on international affairs; and, thirdly, a consistent strand of anti-communism. 相似文献
918.
Using data on non-presidential-year elections for governor and U.S. Senators in eight southern states over the period 1922– 1990, we provide a rational-choice-inspired model of the factors that should be expected to affect the relative levels of turnout in primaries as compared to general elections. Both V.O. Key and Anthony Downs have argued that voters will be more likely to participate in the elections in which they can most expect to be decisive. V.O. Key (1949) proposed that when general elections are usually lop-sided because of one-party dominance of a state's politics the primary of the dominant party of the state should have a higher turnout than the general election. Downs argued that turnout should be higher in competitive elections. Our modelling combines these ideas. We use as our dependent variable the ratio of primary to general election turnout in each year. We posit that this ratio will increase (1) the greater the degree of within-party competition in the primary (especially that within the dominant party of a state, if there is one), and (2) the weaker the degree of between party competition in the general election. In addition to election-specific effects, we also posit long-run effects, such that the ratio for the offices of governor and U.S. Senator will be affected not merely by the degrees of competition within and between parties specific to any given election, but also by the long-run trends in party competition. This hypothesis leads us to expect that, (3) in the South, with the rise of the Republican party, the ratio of primary to general election turnout should decline over time. All of our expectations about the links between turnout and competition are strongly supported. We argue that rational choice models of turnout perform quite well when we view them in a comparative statics perspective, rather than using them to make predictions about who will and who will not vote in any given election. 相似文献
919.
Christopher M. Manley Phillip K. Wood H. Russell Searight Linda J. Skitka J. Robert Russo 《Journal of youth and adolescence》1994,23(1):99-118
The Family-of-Origin Scale (FOS) is a recently developed 40-item instrument originally designed to assess adults' perceptions of the family in which they were raised. A modified version of the FOS has shown promise for assessing adolescents' perceptions of the extent to which their family fosters autonomy and intimacy. The current study involved administration of the FOS to a large sample of adolescents currently residing with their family of origin. Confirmatory factor analysis supports the scale's original 13 theoretical constructs and establishes factorial validity. Follow-up hierarchical tests indicate the current confirmatory model provides a significant refinement over other plausible models proposed by several different authors finding a similar unitary factor employing exploratory factor analyses. 相似文献
920.