全文获取类型
收费全文 | 645篇 |
免费 | 19篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 82篇 |
工人农民 | 1篇 |
世界政治 | 83篇 |
外交国际关系 | 9篇 |
法律 | 267篇 |
中国政治 | 14篇 |
政治理论 | 208篇 |
出版年
2017年 | 9篇 |
2016年 | 4篇 |
2015年 | 4篇 |
2014年 | 19篇 |
2013年 | 35篇 |
2012年 | 27篇 |
2011年 | 26篇 |
2010年 | 27篇 |
2009年 | 30篇 |
2008年 | 27篇 |
2007年 | 21篇 |
2006年 | 22篇 |
2005年 | 30篇 |
2004年 | 16篇 |
2003年 | 12篇 |
2002年 | 6篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 7篇 |
1998年 | 8篇 |
1997年 | 10篇 |
1996年 | 11篇 |
1995年 | 14篇 |
1994年 | 13篇 |
1993年 | 15篇 |
1992年 | 13篇 |
1991年 | 18篇 |
1990年 | 11篇 |
1989年 | 14篇 |
1988年 | 11篇 |
1987年 | 16篇 |
1986年 | 10篇 |
1985年 | 7篇 |
1984年 | 14篇 |
1983年 | 11篇 |
1982年 | 10篇 |
1981年 | 10篇 |
1980年 | 12篇 |
1979年 | 13篇 |
1978年 | 11篇 |
1977年 | 9篇 |
1976年 | 7篇 |
1975年 | 8篇 |
1974年 | 5篇 |
1973年 | 5篇 |
1972年 | 5篇 |
1971年 | 5篇 |
1969年 | 3篇 |
1968年 | 4篇 |
1966年 | 3篇 |
排序方式: 共有664条查询结果,搜索用时 8 毫秒
561.
562.
DAVID REDVALDSEN 《议会、议员及代表》2013,33(1):165-181
SUMMARY The article charts the transformation of the Norwegian Labour Party, known by its acronym DNA, into a people's party. Having formed a government under Johan Nygaardsvold in 1935, in the election of 1936 the DNA reached out to almost everyone. The theme is the representation of social groups, and it is shown that the self-perceived base of the party as manifested in its propaganda and speeches went beyond blue-collar workers. In the elections of 1930 and 1933 the DNA addressed itself more often to smallholders and fishermen than to the industrial proletariat. Several writers have seen this as the key to its success, and have postulated that other Socialist parties should have copied this strategy. This article argues that there was a variety of reasons why European Socialist parties usually were not as successful as their Scandinavian counterparts. The British Labour Party did pursue the same strategy as the Norwegians, but for other reasons could not match their success. In spite of a comparative strand, the primary focus is on the appeals the DNA made in the three elections of the 1930s. The DNA's development along the road to representing all but the elite, and becoming hegemonic, is shown. The ideology of the party had only a small effect on whom it sought to represent. 相似文献
563.
564.
In this article, we seek to explain when and why political parties pressure their members to vote with the party. We model party cohesion as an endogenous choice of preference alignment by party members. Couched in Krehbiel's (1996, 1998) pivotal politics model, the formal theory advanced here shows party cohesion to be related to the initial preference alignment of party members, the divergence in preferences between parties, the cohesion of the opposing party, the party's size, and the party's majority or minority status. We solved the model analytically for generalized‐partial equilibrium results and further analyzed it through computer simulations. We tested the model's predictions in the U.S. Senate using Rice party cohesion scores from the 46th through 104th Congresses. The data analyses show strong support for this theory of endogenous choice of party pressure. 相似文献
565.
566.
Abstract: We analyze whether or not perceived ideological distance from the congressional majority party influences individuals' approval of the way Congress as a whole handles its job. We argue that, to the extent citizens see the majority party as representing an ideological stance that is distant from their own, they are unlikely to feel that Congress is representing them and therefore will be less supportive toward Congress. In contrast, when members of the public feel that the congressional majority is close to them ideologically, they are likely to feel well represented by and thereby approve of Congress. Using cross‐sectional data covering periods of Democratic, Republican, and split party control of Congress (1980–98), this analysis provides strong support for the ideological proximity argument. 相似文献
567.
DAVID P. FARRINGTON DARRICK JOLLIFFE J. DAVID HAWKINS RICHARD F. CATALANO KARL G. HILL RICK KOSTERMAN 《犯罪学》2003,41(3):933-958
Most knowledge about delinquency careers is derived from official records. The main aim of this paper is to compare conclusions about delinquency careers derived from court referrals with conclusions derived from self‐reports. Data are analyzed from the Seattle Social Development Project, which is a prospective longitudinal survey of 808 youths. Annual court and self‐report data were available from age 11 to age 17 for eight offenses. The prevalence of offending increased with age, in both court referrals and self‐reports. There was a sharp increase in the prevalence of court referrals between ages 12 and 13, probably because of the reluctance of the juvenile justice system to deal with very young offenders. The individual offending frequency increased with age in self‐reports, but it stayed constant in court referrals, probably because of limitations on the annual number of referrals per offender. There was significant continuity in offending in both court referrals and self‐reports, but continuity was greater in court referrals. The concentration of offending (and the importance of chronic offenders) was greater in self‐reports. An early age of onset predicted a large number of offenses in both self‐reports and court referrals. However, an early onset predicted a high rate of offending in court referrals but not in self‐reports, possibly because very young offenders who were referred to court were an extreme group. About 37% of offenders and 3% of offenses led to a court referral. The more frequent offenders were less likely to be referred to court after each offense, but most of them were referred to court sooner or later. There was a sharp increase between ages 12 and 13 in the probability of an offender and an offense leading to a court referral. It is concluded that criminal career research based on self‐reports sometimes yields different conclusions compared with research based on official records. 相似文献
568.
This article draws on a new dataset of House primary‐ and general‐election outcomes (1956–98) to examine the relationship between primary elections and candidate ideology. We show that, like presidential candidates, congressional candidates face a strategic‐positioning dilemma: should they align themselves with their general‐ or primary‐election constituencies? Relative to general‐election voters, primary voters favor more ideologically extreme candidates. We show that congressional candidates handle the dilemma by positioning themselves closer to the primary electorate. This article thus supports the idea that primaries pull candidates away from median district preferences. 相似文献
569.
Research on offense specialization has concluded that there is a great deal of versatility in offending. Although the preponderance of evidence supports versatility, some research points to a small but significant tendency to specialize. Beyond this observation there is little consensus over the degree of offense specialization, the similarities and differences between people who commit violent acts and those who engage in other criminal behavior, or the extent to which general causal processes are sufficient to explain variation in diverse forms of crime and delinquency. At the heart of the confusion is the fact that criminal behaviors across a wide spectrum are positively correlated with one another. In our opinion, the conclusion that general offending trumps offense specialization is the result of research designs that predetermined such a conclusion. We propose an alternative method, marginal logit modeling, that supports many desirable features suited to the investigation of offense specialization. We analyze nine self‐reported delinquent behaviors (with a tenth category representing “No Offense”) from the Add Health study. We show that violent offenders are more likely to engage in additional violent offenses, nonviolent offenders are more likely to engage in additional nonviolent offenses. For some offense types, we find no evidence of a tendency to commit both violent and nonviolent offending. For others, the offense generalization effect is weak compared to the offense specialization effect. 相似文献
570.
STEVEN F. MESSNER SANDRO GALEA KENNETH J. TARDIFF MELISSA TRACY ANGELA BUCCIARELLI TINKA MARKHAM PIPER VICTORIA FRYE DAVID VLAHOV 《犯罪学》2007,45(2):385-414
This research reassesses the role of policing and drugs in the sharp homicide decline in New York City in the 1990s. Drawing on theoretical arguments about “broken windows” policing and lethal violence associated with the diffusion of crack cocaine, we estimate the effects of measures of misdemeanor arrests and cocaine prevalence on homicide rates with pooled, cross‐sectional time‐series data for 74 New York City precincts over the 1990–1999 period. The results of mixed regression models reveal a significant negative effect of changes in misdemeanor arrests and a significant positive effect of changes in cocaine prevalence on changes in total homicide rates. Additional analyses of homicide disaggregated by weapon indicate that the effects of misdemeanor arrests and cocaine prevalence emerge for gun‐related but not for non‐gun‐related homicides. Overall, the research generally supports influential interpretations of the homicide decline in New York City but also raises questions about underlying mechanisms that warrant more inquiry in future research. 相似文献