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DUNCAN BRACK 《The Political quarterly》1990,61(4):463-476
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staff reporter SUE DUNCAN 《今日中国(英文版)》2011,(6):73-73
Country Driving: A Journey Through China from Farm to FactoryAuthor: Peter Hessler Hardcover: 448 pages Publisher: HarperUS $27.99EXPATRIATES in Beijing may grin in wry recognition at Peter Hessler’s 相似文献
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The following address by the adviser on African affairs to B.O.A.C.was given to a joint meeting of the Royal African Society andthe Royal Commonwealth Society on November 2, 1961. Mr. A. E.P. Robinson, High Commissioner for the Federation of Rhodesiaand Nyasaland and former chairman of Central African Airways,took the chair 相似文献
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PETER SUTHERLAND 《新观察季刊》2012,29(3):7-10
Because they have failed to address the fundamental economic imbalances within Europe obscured by the single currency, each effort by European leaders so far to resolve the euro crisis has only deepened it. Without a decisive move toward fiscal and political union, accompanied by policies that push productivity and competitiveness toward convergence while closing the democratic deficit, the Eurozone will disintegrate. To discuss the way forward, the Nicolas Berggruen Institute's Council on the Future of Europe met in Rome on May 28 with Italian Prime Minister Mario Monti. In this section we publish the contributions from that meeting by the former European leaders, scholars and Nobel laureates who are members of the Council. 相似文献
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SUE DUNCAN 《今日中国(英文版)》2010,(12):70-70
FOR the average non-Chinese the appreciation of more obviously accessible forms of Chinese art - shanshui landscapes, present no great problem and even calligraphy can be approached purely as abstract art. But a "chop?" As a modestly-priced souvenir, bearing a lasercarved approximation of one's name, perhaps. But as an art form that changes hands at fantastic prices? That takes some explaining. 相似文献
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SHAUN BOWLER DAVID DENEMARK TODD DONOVAN DUNCAN McDONNELL 《European Journal of Political Research》2017,56(1):70-91
Right‐wing populist parties tend to combine criticism of how liberal democracy functions with calls for greater direct democracy. But do their voters share that support for direct democracy? In this article, survey data is used to examine, first, whether right‐wing populist candidates in Australia, Canada and New Zealand were more supportive of direct democracy than candidates of other parties. Second, the views of right‐wing populist voters about the functioning of democracy and direct democracy are investigated. While right‐wing populist candidates turned out to be far more likely to support direct democracy, right‐wing populist supporters did not mirror the candidates. Although these were among the most dissatisfied with how democracy worked, they did not necessarily favour referendums more than other voters. The findings have implications both for how we conceive of the relationship between populism and direct democracy and the remedies proposed for redressing populist discontent. 相似文献
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DUNCAN SUTHERLAND 《议会、议员及代表》2013,33(1):215-231
SUMMARY In this article Duncan Sutherland examines a subject that has been almost entirely ignored by British constitutional historians, the admission of women to the House of Lords. There had always been hereditary peeresses, their status as peeresses did not confer the right to sit in the House of Lords. The womens' suffrage movement had ignored the issue, and attempts to use the right of women to sit as MPs in the Acts of 1918 and 1919 to entitle peeresses to sit in the Lords failed. So did subsequent attempts to have them admitted by legislation: the political parties did not see it as an important issue, and it was inextricably mixed up with the wider question of general reform of the House of Lords. Only after the creation of life peerages, after 1958, were women admitted to the House, and even then the hereditary peeresses had to wait until 1963 for admission. The article concludes by considering the kinds of arguments advanced for continuing the exclusion of women. The long delay, in light of the feebleness and inconsistencies of the case for continuing the exclusion of women, seems to indicate the low importance that the political Establishment attached to the issue. 相似文献
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Feeney et al. (1983) observe that arrests not resulting in convictions may nonetheless receive substantial punishment through reliance on alternative, less formal, means of imposing sanctions. Utilizing a sample of 1427 domestic violence cases supplemented by interviews with prosecutors, we analyze this phenomenon. We conclude that the majority of cases disposed by such means originate as new criminal charges, which are then rejected or dismissed in favor of resolution through use of the prosecutor's power to initiate probation violation hearings. In almost all instances, these cases result in a jail or prison sentence, underlining that outcomes such as “rejection” and “dismissal” are not synonymous with case termination. Failure to appreciate this distinction can lead to serious measurement error. 相似文献
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