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排序方式: 共有138条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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When underivatized methamphetamine hydrochloride (MA.HCl) in methanol is subjected to the instant gas chromatographic-mass spectrometric (GC-MS) profiling with old inlet liners at temperatures above 200 degrees C, appreciable amounts of N,N-dimethylamphetamine (DMA) and amphetamine (AP) are produced. The presence of these two artifacts is attributed to the N-demethylation and N-methylation reactions of MA as well as methyl group exchange with methanol. These artifacts are only produced in old injection port liners and at elevated temperatures. The formation of artifacts is proportional to concentration of MA.HCl. It is suggested that special cautions and measures be undertaken to prevent artifacts. 相似文献
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Shu-Hsiang Hsu 《政策研究评论》2005,22(2):171-186
This article integrates the termination literature with the Punctuated‐Equilibrium (P‐E) model of policy change into a broader framework of policy termination to examine the Chen Shui‐bian administration's abrupt decision to terminate Taiwan's fourth nuclear power plant (FNPP) as well as to explore the evolution of agenda‐setting for the FNPP's termination over a decade. The termination of the FNPP may be viewed as a result of interactions among the nuclear policy image, the institutional venue, and the political or policy strategy over time, as indicated in the integrated framework. Nevertheless, changing nuclear policy image is not sufficient to automatically change the institutional venue in the process of Taiwan's transition from an authoritarian regime to a pluralist political system. Before venue shopping for policy termination, antinuclear activists had to ally with the Democratic Progressive Party to struggle for opening up Taiwan's political institutions along with Taiwan's democratization. On the other hand, as a consequence of Taiwan's recent democratization, antinuclear activists were unsuccessful in terminating the FNPP in the absence of sufficient political resources, notwithstanding a major venue change from the Kuomintang (KMT) government to the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government under President Chen's leadership. Furthermore, besides domestic venues, international institutions also appear to be important to the creation and maintenance of the nuclear policy system, as well as to the dramatic reversal of the Chen administration's termination decision in this case. 相似文献
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It is commonly suggested that social housing is allocated on the basis of 'need'. The authors, however, suggest that the concept of risk provides a much better explanation of the complex interplay of interests involved in the allocation process. In particular, risk explains developing allocation methods in low-demand areas. The thesis is exemplified by drawing upon data derived from the authors' original research on the rehousing of sex offenders. 相似文献
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Dave Russell 《Women's history review》2013,22(5):787-806
The English cyclist, Beryl Burton, was one of the few women athletes whose performances matched and sometimes surpassed those of men. Despite the potential threat to hegemonic gender relations thus posed, Burton was, with the important exception of a well‐publicised disagreement with her fellow‐cyclist daughter, Denise, an uncontroversial figure and much respected within the male sporting community. While many personal and sporting factors contributed, this was largely the result of her highly public performance of her roles as wife and mother. However, those roles were also skilfully constructed so as to generate the maximum space for her development as an elite athlete. As a woman and as an amateur, she received less media attention than she deserved in her lifetime and, despite being one of the greatest athletes of all time, has received little serious scholarly or wider public attention since her death. 相似文献
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Marjolijn M. Vermande Patricia A. Gilholm Albert H. A. Reijntjes Dave J. Hessen Elisabeth H. M. Sterck Anne M. Overduin-de Vries 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2018,47(9):1813-1829
Dominance in the peer group is important for adolescents. Resource Control Theory posits that both coercive and prosocial (positively assertive) strategies are associated with dominance. Combining Resource Control Theory with Socioanalytic Theory on personality, we hypothesized that inspiring group members would be an additional effective strategy. This study examined whether the three behavioral strategies and two types of social skills (social competence and manipulation) predicted dominance (resource control and popularity). Participants were 619 Dutch adolescents (Mage?=?13.1; 47% female) in the first grade of secondary school. They completed peer reports (behavioral strategies and dominance) and self-reports (social skills). Only inspirational and coercive strategies substantially predicted dominance. Main effects of social skills emerged. Moderation between strategies and social skills was only observed for girls (e.g., coercive strategy use was associated with more popularity for girls with higher levels of social manipulation skills). This study furthered our understanding of the predictors of dominance in adolescence by including inspirational behavior and examining prosocial and antisocial skills. 相似文献
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Dave Anderson 《Society》2018,55(1):3-10
Common Sense 2.0 outlines a public philosophy of America that challenges both the Democratic and Republican parties. Appeals to voters who are not extremists but who cannot be regarded as moderates. Leverages the concept of uncertainty by drawing on the thought and practices of John Dewey and Abraham Lincoln. Addresses topics of ideology, attitude, citizenship and public policy. Independent thinking that could influence either major party or a Third Party. Inspired in part by Thomas Paine. 相似文献
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S. Philip Hsu 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2009,68(S1):S40-S50
This article specifically attempts to answer two interrelated research questions: firstly, how do democratic consultation assemblies (DCAs) heighten public accountability in the current institutional setting of China's sub-provincial localities?; and secondly, what can be learned, from the Chinese case, in relation to achieving public accountability elsewhere? To address the first question, this article will explore two particular variations of the DCAs, and will focus on the interplay between the managerial and democratic accountability orientations to address the second question. 相似文献