全文获取类型
收费全文 | 6121篇 |
免费 | 238篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 430篇 |
工人农民 | 181篇 |
世界政治 | 618篇 |
外交国际关系 | 442篇 |
法律 | 2572篇 |
中国政治 | 50篇 |
政治理论 | 1995篇 |
综合类 | 71篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 42篇 |
2022年 | 27篇 |
2021年 | 55篇 |
2020年 | 104篇 |
2019年 | 150篇 |
2018年 | 167篇 |
2017年 | 197篇 |
2016年 | 202篇 |
2015年 | 115篇 |
2014年 | 172篇 |
2013年 | 1029篇 |
2012年 | 172篇 |
2011年 | 175篇 |
2010年 | 175篇 |
2009年 | 182篇 |
2008年 | 162篇 |
2007年 | 219篇 |
2006年 | 191篇 |
2005年 | 226篇 |
2004年 | 227篇 |
2003年 | 209篇 |
2002年 | 226篇 |
2001年 | 120篇 |
2000年 | 116篇 |
1999年 | 97篇 |
1998年 | 90篇 |
1997年 | 93篇 |
1996年 | 89篇 |
1995年 | 94篇 |
1994年 | 93篇 |
1993年 | 78篇 |
1992年 | 84篇 |
1991年 | 91篇 |
1990年 | 62篇 |
1989年 | 65篇 |
1988年 | 64篇 |
1987年 | 63篇 |
1986年 | 67篇 |
1985年 | 62篇 |
1984年 | 53篇 |
1983年 | 62篇 |
1982年 | 48篇 |
1981年 | 55篇 |
1980年 | 39篇 |
1979年 | 37篇 |
1978年 | 33篇 |
1977年 | 33篇 |
1976年 | 30篇 |
1974年 | 15篇 |
1967年 | 14篇 |
排序方式: 共有6359条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
101.
David Stasavage 《American journal of political science》2003,47(3):389-402
Debates about the appropriate mix between autonomy and accountability of bureaucrats are relevant to numerous areas of government action. I examine whether there is evidence of a tradeoff between transparency, democratic accountability, and the gains from monetary delegation. I begin by presenting a simple theoretical model which suggests that central banks that are transparent, in the sense of publishing their macroeconomic forecasts, will find it easier to acquire a reputation. Despite making central banks more subject to outside scrutiny then, monetary transparency can lead to improved economic outcomes. I also consider arguments about the effect of accountability provisions involving parliamentary oversight and control over central bankers. The article then uses a new data set to examine these issues empirically, focusing on a natural experiment involving disinflation costs under different central banking institutions during the 1990s. Results suggest that countries with more transparent central banks face lower costs of disinflation while accountability provisions have no clear effect on disinflation costs. My results also concord with earlier findings that the effect of monetary institutions is conditional on other features of the political environment. 相似文献
102.
103.
104.
Along with a number of other researchers, Patrick Seyd and Paul Whiteley have consistently argued that constituency campaigning in Britain influences constituency election outcomes. In recent work, however, they have denied that the major efforts made by the Labour Party’s national headquarters to target resources and expertise into key seats in the 1997 general election was effective and that, as a consequence, the party had better results in these seats than elsewhere. Using various measures of campaign intensity, however, it is clear that target constituencies did have significantly stronger Labour campaigns than comparable constituencies that were not nationally targeted. Multivariate analysis also suggests that Labour’s performance in targeted seats was better than in comparable seats. 相似文献
105.
Sizable economic consequences may resultfrom listing under the Endangered SpeciesAct (ESA). Potentially adversely affectedparties will attempt to use the politicalprocess to protect their interests. Thequestion is, “are listing determinationssubject to political manipulation?” Inthis paper, we explore empirically thepossibility that implementation of the ESAis determined, in part, by politicalconsiderations. Specifically, weinvestigate whether states with strongcongressional representation are able touse their political muscle to reduce thenumber of listings in their states, ascompared to states with weak congressionalrepresentation. Controlling for otherfactors, we find that states with greaterrepresentation on the U.S. Fish andWildlife Service’s budgetary oversightsubcommittee in the U.S. House ofRepresentatives have significantly fewerESA listings than states with weakerrepresentation on that subcommittee. 相似文献
106.
107.
中国、美国与正在演变中的亚洲秩序 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
中国崛起是一个复合概念,既包括经济、军事等硬实力方面,也包括国际规范、高等教育等软实力方面。这对亚洲地区的国际秩序来说无疑是一个新的变量,但不能就此认为亚洲地区已形成了中国主导的国际秩序。实际上,正在演变中的亚洲秩序是一个包含有轮毂模式、有限共治模式、规范共同体模式和复合相互依赖模式四种秩序特征的复合体。同时,中国崛起对中美关系来说无疑也注入了新的元素,但并非就如现实主义者所预测的那么悲观,中美之间的合作远大于分歧,我们尤其应该注意在中美之间还存在许多不确定因素。 相似文献
108.
Politicians, Privacy and Media Intrusion in Britain 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
109.
110.
Many observers suggest that white evangelical Protestant churches serve to mobilize their members into politics, while others argue that they encourage withdrawal from political life. This paper reconciles these two claims. I hypothesize that the time members of evangelical Protestant denominations spend in service to their church comes at the expense of participation in the wider community, contrary to the way mainline Protestant and Catholic churches foster civic activity among their members. However, I further hypothesize that the tight social networks formed through this intensive church activity can at times facilitate rapid and intense political mobilization. Data from the Citizen Participation Study supports the first hypothesis, while applying King's method of ecological inference to two elections in Alabama supports the second. 相似文献