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271.
Of the readily computed proxies for the prevalence of gun ownership, one, the percentage of suicides committed with a gun, is most highly correlated with survey-based estimates. It is the best choice for use in cross-section analysis of the effect of gun prevalence on crime patterns across states and larger counties.Analysis of this proxy measure for the period 1979–1997 demonstrates that the geographic structure of gun ownership has been highly stable. That structure is closely linked to rural tradition. There is, however, some tendency toward homogenization over this period, with high-prevalence states trending down and low-prevalence states trending up. 相似文献
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Improving public policy efficiency and effectiveness in land use planning is an established priority on the prevailing political agenda in the UK. Practical measures to enhance policy formulation in local land use development plans in Scotland offer an interesting case study of an attempt to improve policy consistency, and to secure efficiency gains in policy authorship. This article considers the specific focus on the drafting stage of public policy‐making drawing on insights provided by research into the production of model policies in Scotland. It questions the extent to which such an initiative will promote a more robust public policy‐making discipline in light of the policy cycle. The discussion of the case study illustrates a practical attempt by central government to enhance public policy‐making at the local level, while raising questions about the dangers of invoking a technocratic and instrumentalist approach to policy analysis. 相似文献
275.
Sandra L. Martin Deborah A. Gibbs Ruby E. Johnson E. Danielle Rentz Monique Clinton-Sherrod Jennifer Hardison 《Journal of family violence》2007,22(7):587-595
This study analyzed data collected by the U.S. Army’s Family Advocacy Program, the group primarily responsible for family
violence prevention, identification, evaluation, treatment, and follow-up on Army installations. Patterns of spouse abuse
and child abuse perpetrated within a five year period (2000–2004) were examined in a sample of 10,864 Army Soldiers who were
substantiated for family violence offenses. Three groups of family violence offenders were compared: (1) those who perpetrated
spouse offenses only; (2) those who perpetrated child offenses only; and (3) those who perpetrated both spouse and child offenses.
Results showed that the majority of substantiated family violence offenders were spouse offenders who had not committed child
abuse (61%), followed by child offenders who had not committed spouse abuse (27%), and finally those who committed both spouse
and child offenses (12%). The three groups of family violence offenders differed in terms of the types of abuse they perpetrated
(neglect of children, emotional abuse, physical abuse, and sexual abuse), their experiences of being a spouse abuse victim,
and sociodemographic characteristics. Twelve percent of all spouse abusers committed multiple spouse abuse incidents, and
10% of all child abusers committed multiple child abuse incidents. 相似文献
276.
Beyond Negativity: The Effects of Incivility on the Electorate 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
There is much concern among pundits and political observers that incivility undermines our electoral process. Yet we have little evidence that actually documents whether incivility has such pernicious effects. This article seeks to advance our understanding of the influence of incivility on the electorate. We argue that three dimensions are central to understanding both the perceptions and effects of different types of campaign messages: tone (negative versus positive); civility (civil versus uncivil); and focus (issue versus trait-based message content). Using an experimental manipulation on a large national sample that examines these three dimensions, we find that uncivil attacks in campaigns do not appear to be as worrisome as its detractors fear. While uncivil messages in general—and uncivil trait-based messages in particular—are usually seen by the public as being less fair, less informative, and less important than both their civil negative and positive counterparts, they are no more likely to lead to detrimental effects among the public. In fact, incivility appears to have some modest positive consequences for the political engagement of the electorate. These findings are important, since attacks and counterattacks will continue to shape the American political landscape. 相似文献
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