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971.
This article compares the political processes involved in food subsidy policies in Sri Lanka and Zambia and relates these experiences to the concept of ‘good government’ that western nations have been promoting. The Sri Lankan case illustrates the workings of the policy process in a democratic political system, albeit one that centralized considerably in the 1980s. The Zambian case illustrates the policy process in a one‐party state that returned to multi‐party democracy in 1991. Despite their very different political systems the nature of food subsidy policies show striking similarities: decades of high levels of non‐targeted consumer subsidies that placed great demands on public expenditure until radical reductions in expenditure occurred following an electorally based change of government and multilateral agency pressure. Differences in the processes of policy formulation and public accountability are explored. They reveal that neither case study functioned as democratic theory would predict. The conclusion points to the inability of the concept of ‘good government’ to model the empirical experiences reported in the article. 相似文献
972.
Public trust has become a critical issue in transitional societies, such as China and Taiwan, where the legitimacy and accountability of the government in general, and legal authorities in particular, have been frequently scrutinized. Based on nationwide random samples, this study tests the explanatory power of three theories, the social structural thesis, the institutional performance thesis, and the cultural thesis, in accounting for public trust in police in China and Taiwan. Results show that Chinese citizens have higher levels of trust in police than do Taiwanese. The higher level of Chinese trust, to a large extent, derives from greater confidence in macroeconomic conditions and satisfaction with government responsiveness. The performance thesis, thus, receives the strongest support. Results also show some support for the cultural perspective that traditional values, such as interpersonal trust, promote trust in police in both societies. Policy implications are provided for enhancing police legitimacy and facilitating police reform in China and Taiwan. 相似文献
973.
Elizabeth Fisher 《Law & policy》2013,35(3):236-260
Climate change litigation is an obsessive preoccupation for many legal scholars. Three different “narratives” can be identified for why scholars find such litigation important to study: litigation is a response to institutional failure, legal reasoning holds authority, and litigation is a forum for the co‐production of facts and social orders. The nature and consequences of these narratives are considered in the context of the first U.S. Supreme Court “climate change” case—Massachusetts v. EPA (2007). This analysis has implications for both how scholars understand their expertise in this area, and how they should foster it. 相似文献
974.
Prevention and intervention research has indicated the malleability of hope in a variety of populations and the positive impact on treatment outcomes in general clinical settings and substance use treatment. However, despite its prospective role in improving well-being, research on hope is not often situated behind bars. Thus, the current project intended to explore the nature of theory-driven hope discussions for women involved in justice systems. The aim was to maintain and enhance hope, activate positivity, and thereby enhance the quality of life.Four weekly focus group sessions were conducted with women detained at a local jail (n?=?23), with discussion prompts based on Snyder’s theory of hope (goal setting, agency thinking, and pathway thinking). Using interactional delivery methods, we emphasized hope among jailed women by: (1) facilitating the development and maintenance of hopeful thinking; (2) developing concrete goals towards rehabilitation and a positive life; (3) enhancing the capacity for developing enduring, cross-sectional strategies for goal attainment; and (4) facilitating self-analysis on their overall ability to produce workable plans required to reach the goals. Weekly journaling was also included to complement the process.Results from the qualitative analysis suggest hope for these jailed women was constructed as belief in a better future and was also often embedded within a religious worldview. Further, jailed women’s perceptions of meeting goals were heavily dependent upon outside sources that would provide structure and discipline. Implications include providing strength-based reentry programs, offering mentorship, emphasizing goal-setting strategies, and reviewing visitation policies. 相似文献
975.
Elizabeth Callaghan 《Contemporary Justice Review》2013,16(4):347-355
Growing up in the 1960s and 1970s meant living in a time of turbulence and change. The music, literature, and films, combined with the passionate activism of the era, profoundly influenced people in my generation. My working class family struggled to raise a family and make a decent living, instilling values of social justice along the way. I knew from an early age that I wanted to make a difference, but had many internal conflicts to resolve before I could effect change. An education in sociology taught me what was wrong in the world and law school gave me the tools I needed to effect change. Working in the court system and with students has made a difference, one person at a time. 相似文献
976.
Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof 《The History of the Family》2013,18(2):171-182
The article analyzes the census records for Sao Cristovao in 1870 to determine the proportions of single mothers in the population and whether they were living in female-headed households, as companheiras in male-headed households (in consensual union), or as agregadas or dependent members of a household headed by someone else, who was not the sexual partner of the single mother. The socio-economic and racial characteristics of the single mothers are also compared to each other and to the married population. The data suggest that approximately one-third of single Brazilian mothers and their children were living in informal two-parent relationships. These women were not substantially different from the two-thirds of single mothers who were living either as female heads of households or as dependents in other households, in terms of race, age, or occupation. Women who were female heads of households were somewhat older than the average single mother in a consensual union, and the women living in dependent situations were slightly younger. The greatest difference between these two groups of women is that many married mothers had no occupations while the vast majority of single mothers listed professions. The baptismal records of illegitimate babies suggest that the vast majority of them had ritual kinfolk, and some were grandparents involved in their baptisms and perhaps also in their daily living arrangements. 相似文献
977.
Elizabeth A. Bradshaw 《Critical Criminology》2013,21(4):447-461
Activists across the globe have increasingly incorporated digital communication technologies into their repertoire of direct action tactics to challenge state and corporate power. Examining the anti-corporate globalization protests at the September 2009 Group of Twenty (G-20) meetings in Pittsburgh, this paper explores how activists used sousveillance and counter-surveillance as direct action tactics to make excessive force by police more visible to the public. Collaborative endeavors such as the G-20 Resistance Project, the Tin Can Comms Collective and independent media centers provided activists with the necessary tactical and strategic communication networks to coordinate direct actions during the G-20 protests. Through the use of surveillance technologies widely available to the public such as video cameras, cell phones and the internet, activists created an environment of permanent visibility in which the behaviors of police were subjected to public scrutiny. The images captured by anti-globalization activists raises a salient question: Is this what a police state looks like? 相似文献
978.
Abstract The public desires more punitive sentencing for sex offenders; however, treatment has been shown to be most effective in increasing public safety. It has been suggested that public education about the benefits of sex offender treatment could influence public policy. The purpose of this study was to determine if a brief psychoeducational intervention could influence individuals’ attitudes towards the treatment of sex offenders. Overall, findings showed that a psychoeducational intervention can affect subsequent attitudes; furthermore, the nature of the intervention will be significant in determining the level of attitude change. 相似文献
979.
Elizabeth Baisley 《Canadian journal of African studies》2013,47(2):383-402
This paper investigates how lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights movements in Ghana, both anti and pro, framed the debate that captured media attention in 2006 and 2011. Decolonisation and human rights frames were appropriated, challenged, and dominated by opponents of LGBT rights, making it difficult for LGBT activists to use them. The opponents' corruption frame overpowered the LGBT activists' preservation frame. When LGBT activists used a human rights frame (comparing sexual minorities to racial minorities and to persons with disabilities), the countermovement appropriated it in a way that excluded same-sex relations by comparing sexual minorities to “deviants”, persons with mental illnesses, and animals. The interaction between the decolonisation and human rights frames was also problematic: the corruption frame not only rendered the LGBT activists' preservation frame nearly useless, but it also made their use of the human rights frame appear to be cultural imperialism and problematised the help they received from international LGBT organisations. 相似文献
980.
Anthony Bebbington David Lewis Simon Batterbury Elizabeth Olson M. Shameem Siddiqi 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(4):597-621
The World Bank's recent concern for ‘empowerment’ grows out of longer standing discussions of participation, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and civil society. While commitments to empowerment enter World Bank texts with relative ease, their practice within Bank-funded projects is far more contingent, and the meanings they assume become much more diverse. This paper considers the relationship between such texts and the development practices which emerge, using an analysis of the ‘organisational cultures’ of the Bank and the many organisations on which it depends in the implementation of its rural development programmes. The paper presents a framework for analysing these organisational cultures in terms of (a) the broader contexts in which organisations and their staff are embedded; (b) the everyday practices within organisations; (c) the power relations within and among organisations; and (d) the meanings that come to dominate organisational practice. A case study of a development programme in Bangladesh is used to illustrate the ways in which cultural interactions between a variety of organisations – the World Bank, government agencies, NGOs, organisations of the poor, social enterprises – mediate the ways in which textual commitments to empowerment are translated into a range of diverse practices. 相似文献