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951.
A key issue for interest groups and policymakers is the ways through which organized interests voice their interests and influence public policy. This article combines two perspectives on interest group representation to explain patterns of interest group access to different political arenas. From a resource exchange perspective, it argues that access to different political arenas is discrete as it is determined by the match between the supply and demands of interest groups and gatekeepers—politicians, bureaucrats, and reporters. From a partly competing perspective, it is argued that access is cumulative and converges around wealthy and professionalized groups. Based on a large‐scale investigation of group presence in Danish political arenas, the analyses show a pattern of privileged pluralism. This describes a system where multiple political arenas provide opportunities for multiple interests but where unequally distributed resources produce cumulative effects (i.e., the same groups have high levels of arena access). 相似文献
952.
Anne Nassauer 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2015,25(4):491-518
This paper connects recent findings in sociology, criminology, social psychology and neurosciences to develop a mechanism-based explanation of the emergence of protest violence. The theoretical considerations connect Charles Tilly’s and Sidney Tarrow’s relational sociology with Randall Collins’ emotions-based micro-sociology of violent confrontations and Herbert Blumer’s symbolic interactionism. The goal is to contribute to the development of a mid-range theory that can explain the emergence of violence in generally peaceful protests conclusively and that is empirically verifiable. The paper assumes that instead of protesters’ or police officers’ motivations and strategies, three situational factors are crucial for the emergence of violence in protests: interaction, emotion and interpretation during the protest event. Due to actors’ situational interpretation specific combinations of interactions form relational processes that trigger emotional mechanism of “tension and fear”, as conceptualized by Collins. Together with “emotional dominance” during the protest, tension and fear forms the emotional process of “attacking the weak” and thereby prompts violence even in protests of generally peaceful protest groups. 相似文献
953.
Elizabeth N. Celata M.Sc. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2015,60(6):1495-1499
Aqueous submersion can impede decay and produce decomposition stages not seen in terrestrial burials. To further understand the variances, fifty-four mice were submerged in freshwater, marine water, and a control environment at 20°C. The mice displayed sequential stages at differing rates over 6 weeks. Regression plots and comparative t-tests demonstrated that internal putrefaction, weight difference, and abdominal circumference of the aqueous environments varied significantly from the control group. The aqueous subjects did not vary significantly from each other quantitatively. The postmortem intervals were not consistent regardless of temperature or environment although a clear variance was noted between the control and the submerged groups. 相似文献
954.
955.
Michelle Elizabeth Tusan 《Women's history review》2013,22(4):623-649
This article contributes to recent historical debates regarding the shared connections between the colony and the metropole in British-ruled India through the examination of Stri Dharma, a widely known journal started in India in 1918 by British feminists. Neither completely British nor Indian in character, this women-run journal emerged during the 1920s and 1930s as an international feminist news medium targeted at Anglo-Indian, Indian, and British women readers. This broad-ranging audience participated in a complex political dialogue determined by both class and race tensions that created a sometimes uneven forum for the exchange of ideas. Through a close examination of this title and other primary source materials related to the context of women's suffrage and Indian nationalism, this article engages with contemporary feminist scholarship in order to trace the underlying cultural and political factors that motivated British and Indian women writers to create a periodical based on universalist principles of gender solidarity and international cooperation during the late colonial period. 相似文献
956.
957.
Anne Birgitte Richard 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2013,21(1):61-67
Toril Moi, Simone de Beauvoir. The Making of an Intellectual Woman. 324 pp. Oxford and Cambridge: Blackwell, 1994. Margaret A. Simons, ed., Feminist Interpretations of Simone de Beauvoir. 324 pp. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995. Eva Lundgren‐Gothlin, Sex and Existence. Simone de Beauvoir's “The Second Sex” (English text revised from Kön och Existens, 1991). 329 pp. London: Athlone, 1996. 相似文献
958.
Elizabeth Stephens 《澳大利亚女权主义者研究》2015,30(85):273-282
While the importance of negativity and negative affects to queer history and theory has been the subject of much recent critical discussion, bad feelings are equally prevalent in contemporary feminist theory. The aim of this article is not to provide a summary overview of a recent negative turn in feminist theory, however, nor to identify the early twenty-first century socio-political causes of this welling up of bad feeling. Rather, its purpose is to consider the way the increasing centrality of studies of affect to feminist histories and politics allows us to reconceptualise these as ‘affective genealogies'. The article examines this by focusing on three representative texts, which it takes as representative of three key moments in the recent affective genealogy of feminism: Rosi Braidotti's Metamorphoses: Towards a Materialist Theory of Becoming (2002); Sara Ahmed's The Promise of Happiness (2010); and Lauren Berlant's Cruel Optimism (2011). 相似文献
959.
Anne Boxberger Flaherty 《Women's history review》2015,24(2):191-214
In 1946 the National Board of the American Association of University Women (AAUW) adopted a policy of racial non-discrimination, and in 1949 amended its bylaws to allow any woman with a degree from an approved institution admission into local branches, regardless of the local branch members’ approval. Many local branches resisted this move, which had the effect of allowing African American women admission. In St Louis, Missouri, the move caused a rift within the local branch. The St Louis group divided into the St Louis Branch of the American Association of University Women and The College Club of St Louis, and the split prompted a lawsuit over the groups’ property (Graham v Kirchner 1956, Missouri Supreme Court). This research explores the historical process of racial desegregation in St Louis in the context of a voluntary, progressive women's organization and reflects on the power of women's organizations to promote social change. This case study sheds light on the strength of social norms regarding racial segregation in a city in a ‘border state’ without the legally entrenched segregation found in many other southern cities during this time. 相似文献
960.