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31.
Abstract: Policy development in the federal government has been characterized by certain constants such as the prominent role of the Department of Finance, Canada's regionalism, and the perennial issue of national unity. Within this framework, however, it is striking how much policy development processes have varied according to who the prime minister was at a particular time. Lester Pearson's years were characterized by “departmental government”: ministers and their departments had considerable autonomy, and matters were brought to cabinet only when they were ripe for decision. The advantages of this system were to some degree offset by a lack of coherence in government operations during this period. Under Pierre Trudeau, there was a major effort to bring systematic approaches to bear on government decisions, with a concomitant increase in the role of the Privy Council Office (PCO). Collective decision-making took up considerably more of ministers' time and left them less time for the management of their departments. The system was found by many to be cumbersome, although some degree of centralization was undoubtedly a necessary response to the growing complexity of government. Brian Mulroney's years, on the other hand, were characterized by a considerable absence of system, supplemented by frequent direct interventions by the pco in operational matters across government. It is not easy to assess these different systems by examining the quality of the decisions that were made under the different prime ministers. Experience illustrates the difficulty of striking the right balance between central direction and ministerial autonomy. The effort must nevertheless be made under each government, with due regard for the lessons of the past. Sommaire: L'élaboration des politiques au gouvernement fédéral se caractérise par certaines constantes telles que le rôle dominant du ministère des Finances, le régionalisme du Canada et l'étemelle question de l'unité nationale. Or, à l'intérieur de ce cadre, il est frappant de constater combien les méthodes d'élaboration des politiques varient en fonction du premier ministre en poste. Les années Lester Pearson se distinguent par le « gouvernement ministériel «, c'est-à-dire que les ministres et leurs ministères avaient une autonomie considérable et ne présentaient les questions au Cabinet qu'au moment de la prise de décision. Les avantages d'une telle démarcheont été quelque peu neutralisés par le manque de cohésion des activitiés du gouvernement à cette époque. Sous Pierre Trudeau, on s'est efforcé de systématiser la manière de prendre les décisions gouvernementales, le Bureau du Conseil Privé (BCP) voyant son rôle s'accroître simultanément. Les prises de décision selon un mode collectif prenaient aux ministres un temps considérable, ce qui leur en laissait moins pour diriger leurs ministères. Beaucoup trouvaient la démarche difficile bien qu'une certaine centralisation s'imposait à la suite de la complexité croissante du gouvernement. Les années Brian Mulroney se caractérisent, pour leur part, par un manque considérable de méthode ponctué par de fréquentes interventions directes du BCP dans les affaires de tout le gouvernement. II n'est pas simple d'évaluer ces différentes périodes en examinant la qualité des décisions prises sous chaque premier ministre. L'expérience montre combien il est difficile de trouver le juste équilibre entre la direction centrale et l'autonomie des ministères. II faut néanmoins, sous chaque gouvernement, faire un effort en ce sens en tenant compte des leçons du passé.  相似文献   
32.
He has written widely on popular culture. Among his books are Agit-Pop: Political Culture and Communication Theory; Reading Matter: Multidisciplinary Perspectives on Material Culture; Political Culture and Public Opinion;and An Anatomy of Humor;all published by Transaction.  相似文献   
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Data from a large sample of late adolescents was used to examine associations between family relationships (reported closeness to parents and siblings) and perceived social competence. Significant positive relationships were found between family bonds and the social competence measures, which included social self-esteem, instrumentality, expressiveness, shyness, and degree of satisfaction/ease in same- and opposite-sex peer relationships. There was no evidence of differential effects of sibling versus parent relationships upon adolescent social competence.This project was supported by NIMH Grant 5 R01 MH34570.Received Ph.D. from Northwestern University.  相似文献   
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The study was performed to distinguish fatal from non-fatal blood concentrations of morphine. For this purpose, blood levels of free morphine and total morphine (free morphine plus morphine conjugates) in 207 cases of heroin-related deaths were compared to those in 27 drivers surviving opiate intoxication. The majority of both survivors and non-survivors were found to show a concomitant use of depressants including alcohol or stimulants. Blood morphine levels in both groups varied widely, with a large area of overlap between survivors (free morphine: 0-128 ng/ml, total morphine: 10-2,110 ng/ml) and non-survivors (free morphine: 0-2,800 ng/ml, total morphine: 33-5,000 ng/ml). Five (18.5%) survivors and 87 (42.0%) non-survivors exhibit intoxication only by morphine. In these cases, too, both groups overlapped (survivors-free morphine: 28-93 ng/ml, total morphine: 230-1,451 ng/ml; non-survivors-free morphine: 0-2,800 ng/ml, total morphine: 119-4,660 ng/ml). Although the blood levels of free or total morphine do not allow a reliable prediction of survival versus non-survival, the ratio of free/total morphine may be a criterion to distinguish lethal versus survived intoxication. The mean of the ratio of free to total morphine for all lethal cases (N=207) was 0.293, for those that survived (N=27) 0.135, in cases of intoxication only by morphine 0.250 (N=87) and 0.080 (N=5), respectively. Applying a cut-off of 0.12 for free/total morphine and performing ROC analyses, fatal outcome can be predicted in 80% of the cases correctly, whereas 16% of the survivors were classified as dead. Nevertheless, in this study, all cases with a blood concentration of 200 ng/ml and more of free morphine displayed a fatal outcome.  相似文献   
37.
Networks of local government support organisations (LGSOs) are critical to successful intergovernmental relations and effective local governance in democratic societies. Bulgaria had no such network of municipal associations when it began the transition from communist rule in the early 1990s. Using US and other external technical assistance, Bulgaria over the next decade overcame the impediments to collective action and established what appears to be an effective and sustainable system to back up its cities and towns. Important factors in mobilising support included a long‐term focus on institutional development, non‐partisanship, flexibility in implementation and a pragmatic orientation that focused on learning by doing. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
38.
In the wake of welfare reform efforts, alliances between governments and charities, and public preoccupation with “social capital,” it is useful to understand how welfare payments interact with charitable giving. Using Consumer Expenditure Survey data from the first quarter of 1999, this article estimates the impacts on charitable giving by individuals from receipt of welfare payments, as well as income, wealth, and a number of demographic variables. The data analysis suggests that charity is negatively associated with welfare receipt, while wealth, income, and age have positive impacts on giving. These findings have significant implications for public policy and nonprofit management.  相似文献   
39.
A substantial literature over the years has focused on the relationship between political alienation and ideology. Much of this research contends that conservatives are more alienated than liberals because philosophically they believe that the best government is that which governs least. A close reading of the literature, however, reveals little consistency in the empirical findings. Survey data from Norway, Sweden, and the United States are used to provide a more extensive and consistent test of the hypothesis. Ideology is defined as both left/right self-identification and policy preference on economic and "new political" issues. The evidence reveals that in Scandinavia higher levels of alienation are found among conservatives, whereas in the US the left has been consistently more alienated, except on "new politics" issues. The discrepancy between the citizen's preferred ideological orientation and that which the public perceives the government to take, is used to explain the different findings for the three countries and the shifts in the relationship between ideology and alienation across time.  相似文献   
40.
L'article analyse le cas de la gestion des ressources en eau dans les stations touristiques de montagne. Ces systèmes sont caractérisés par de fortes fluctuations de population et par une sélection des usages (eau potable, eau d'irrigation, production d'énergie et usages touristiques). L'article vise à répondre à deux questions. La gestion actuelle de l'eau dans les stations touristiques alpines est‐elle intégrée et durable? Le cadre institutionnel influence‐t‐il cette intégration et la durabilité? L'article montre que l'eau est une ressource exploitée en commun (common pool resource) et que sa gestion s'inscrit dans la discussion sur la "tragédie des communs". Deux études de cas (Crans‐Montana‐Aminona et Nendaz, en Valais) permettent de conclure que la gestion de l'eau dans ces régions est globalement caractérisée par une faible intégration, un faible degré d'information et une tendance au gaspillage. Le cadre institutionnel a un impact certain sur le degré d'intégration. Un impact sur la durabilité de la gestion est plus difficile à mettre en évidence.  相似文献   
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