全文获取类型
收费全文 | 959篇 |
免费 | 47篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 37篇 |
工人农民 | 60篇 |
世界政治 | 70篇 |
外交国际关系 | 55篇 |
法律 | 487篇 |
中国政治 | 15篇 |
政治理论 | 272篇 |
综合类 | 10篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 11篇 |
2022年 | 6篇 |
2021年 | 14篇 |
2020年 | 33篇 |
2019年 | 23篇 |
2018年 | 37篇 |
2017年 | 42篇 |
2016年 | 50篇 |
2015年 | 35篇 |
2014年 | 43篇 |
2013年 | 134篇 |
2012年 | 35篇 |
2011年 | 23篇 |
2010年 | 30篇 |
2009年 | 43篇 |
2008年 | 37篇 |
2007年 | 53篇 |
2006年 | 36篇 |
2005年 | 43篇 |
2004年 | 24篇 |
2003年 | 35篇 |
2002年 | 23篇 |
2001年 | 17篇 |
2000年 | 17篇 |
1999年 | 13篇 |
1998年 | 15篇 |
1997年 | 9篇 |
1996年 | 7篇 |
1995年 | 10篇 |
1994年 | 8篇 |
1993年 | 6篇 |
1992年 | 10篇 |
1991年 | 5篇 |
1990年 | 4篇 |
1989年 | 5篇 |
1988年 | 9篇 |
1986年 | 5篇 |
1985年 | 5篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 7篇 |
1981年 | 8篇 |
1980年 | 2篇 |
1979年 | 6篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 7篇 |
1976年 | 2篇 |
1975年 | 2篇 |
1970年 | 3篇 |
1968年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有1006条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
811.
Huestis MA Gustafson RA Moolchan ET Barnes A Bourland JA Sweeney SA Hayes EF Carpenter PM Smith ML 《Forensic science international》2007,169(2-3):129-136
Fifty-three head hair specimens were collected from 38 males with a history of cannabis use documented by questionnaire, urinalysis and controlled, double blind administration of delta9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) in an institutional review board approved protocol. The subjects completed a questionnaire indicating daily cannabis use (N=18) or non-daily use, i.e. one to five cannabis cigarettes per week (N=20). Drug use was also documented by a positive cannabinoid urinalysis, a hair specimen was collected from each subject and they were admitted to a closed research unit. Additional hair specimens were collected following smoking of two 2.7% THC cigarettes (N=13) or multiple oral doses totaling 116 mg THC (N=2). Cannabinoid concentrations in all hair specimens were determined by ELISA and GCMSMS. Pre- and post-dose detection rates did not differ statistically, therefore, all 53 specimens were considered as one group for further comparisons. Nineteen specimens (36%) had no detectable THC or 11-nor-9-carboxy-THC (THCCOOH) at the GCMSMS limits of quantification (LOQ) of 1.0 and 0.1 pg/mg hair, respectively. Two specimens (3.8%) had measurable THC only, 14 (26%) THCCOOH only, and 18 (34%) both cannabinoids. Detection rates were significantly different (p<0.05, Fishers' exact test) between daily cannabis users (85%) and non-daily users (52%). There was no difference in detection rates between African-American and Caucasian subjects (p>0.3, Fisher's exact test). For specimens with detectable cannabinoids, concentrations ranged from 3.4 to >100 pg THC/mg and 0.10 to 7.3 pg THCCOOH/mg hair. THC and THCCOOH concentrations were positively correlated (r=0.38, p<0.01, Pearson's product moment correlation). Using an immunoassay cutoff concentration of 5 pg THC equiv./mg hair, 83% of specimens that screened positive were confirmed by GCMSMS at a cutoff concentration of 0.1 pg THCCOOH/mg hair. 相似文献
812.
The General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) negotiatorsfaced a significant challenge when having to craft a comprehensiveset of disciplines governing multilateral trade in services,and the result is somewhat complex. Some obligations, in particularthe most favoured-nation treatment (MFN) obligation, apply acrossthe board. Others, like the market access and national treatmentobligations, apply only in respect of service sectors of a Member'schoosing. There is overlap between the market access and nationaltreatment obligations, and the relationship between these twodisciplines and those on domestic regulation is not clearlyestablished. Additional obligations have been adhered to ona voluntary basis, in particular in the areas of telecommunicationsand financial services. In general, the interpretation and understandingof Members Schedules of Specific Commitments proves tobe a laborious exercise. This provides fertile ground for difficultand often sensitive interpretive issues to arise. Although Membershave thus far not made extensive use of dispute settlement proceduresto resolve them, existing World Trade Organization (WTO) decisionsalready show the reach of GATS disciplines and their potentialimpact on Members policies and regulations. The Gamblingcase has, in particular, sparked a debate as to what shouldbe the right balance between trade constraints and the autonomyof Members service regulators. This article reviews theGATS case law with a view to offering a critical assessmentof the main systemic issues that have been addressed by WTOadjudicatory bodies. These issues are, respectively, the scopeof application of the GATS, the interpretation of specific commitmentsin Members Schedules, market access, non-discriminatorytreatment, and general exceptions. 相似文献
813.
814.
Despite substantial increases in the prevalence of adolescent overweight and obesity documented in recent decades, few studies
have prospectively tracked their development during the entire adolescent period. The aims of this study were to characterize
developmental trends in prevalence, incidence, and remission of overweight and obesity using annual data collected from ages
12 to 19 for 496 adolescent females. Ethnic differences between African American (n = 37), Latina (n = 96), and European American (n = 348) adolescents were also compared. The prevalence of overweight decreased slightly across adolescence and remission rates
exceeded incidence (onset). Obesity was more chronic, with increasing incidence accompanied by decreasing remission rates.
Middle through late adolescence was the period of greatest risk for the transition from overweight to obesity. African American
and Latina females had higher overweight and obesity prevalence than European American females throughout adolescence. Differences
in prevalence were driven by higher onset rates for African American and Latina females, whereas remission rates were comparable
across ethnic groups. Results suggest that adolescence is not a high-risk period for onset of obesity for European American
adolescent females, but is for African American and Latina adolescent females. 相似文献
815.
816.
This article addresses the potential for food movements to bring about substantive changes to the current global food system. After describing the current corporate food regime, we apply Karl Polanyi's ‘double-movement’ thesis on capitalism to explain the regime's trends of neoliberalism and reform. Using the global food crisis as a point of departure, we introduce a comparative analytical framework for different political and social trends within the corporate food regime and global food movements, characterizing them as ‘Neoliberal’, ‘Reformist’, ‘Progressive’, and ‘Radical’, respectively, and describe each trend based on its discourse, model, and key actors, approach to the food crisis, and key documents. After a discussion of class, political permeability, and tensions within the food movements, we suggest that the current food crisis offers opportunities for strategic alliances between Progressive and Radical trends within the food movement. We conclude that while the food crisis has brought a retrenchment of neoliberalization and weak calls for reform, the worldwide growth of food movements directly and indirectly challenge the legitimacy and hegemony of the corporate food regime. Regime change will require sustained pressure from a strong global food movement, built on durable alliances between Progressive and Radical trends. 相似文献
817.
818.
Eric Graig Castater 《West European politics》2016,39(6):1251-1275
Since 1980, over one-quarter of social pact proposals have failed to result in social pact agreements. In order to explain this high failure rate, the social pact formation process is broken down into two stages. In the first stage, governments decide whether to propose a pact. In the second stage, governments and labour unions decide whether to complete a pact agreement. Using data on social pacts in Western Europe, the article finds that pact proposals are likelier in the presence of moderately centralised unions, high unemployment, and large budget deficits; but that pact agreements are likelier when employers’ associations are centralised, and labour unions have a high degree of organisational centralisation, low membership fractionalisation, and represent a small share of workers. It is submitted that the inability of moderately centralised unions to complete a social pact agreement may be a primary cause of the high failure rate of social pact proposals. 相似文献
819.
820.