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Since 1975, 40 states have enacted “rape shield” statustes which limit the admissibility of a rape victim's prior sexual history in court. These reforms have assumed that jurors regard prior sexual history evidence as much too probative of a victim's credibility and moral character, and that such perceptions have a prejudicial impact on the outcome of the jury decision process. The present research adopted an attributional analysis in order to examine the extent to which the types of legal reform affect social perception of the victim as well as the conviction rate in a videotaped consent defense rape trial. A large-scale jury simulation experiment was conducted with qualified jurors from the Minneapolis-St. Paul metropolitan area. Jurors either viewed an Improbable or Probable Likelihood of (victim) Consent version of the trial, with admission of prior sexual history evidence governed by one of three types of exclusionary rules. The results lend credence to the reformist contention that a rape victim is “on trial” along with the accused. Jurors were reluctant to convict when any testimony about prior sexual history was introduced. Moreover, jurors' close scrutiny of the victim's credibility and moral character was directly related to the conviction rate. Only the most restrictive evidentiary rule, when applied to an Improbable Consent case, curtailed the inference of victim consent, enhanced victim credibility, and increased the likelihood of conviction. Some of the legal and attributional implications of these findings were discussed. 相似文献
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Eugene Borgida 《Law and human behavior》1979,3(3):189-202
The present research examined psycholegal assumptions about specific acts evidence as a method of character proof. On the basis of “fireside induction” (Meehl, 1971) and social psychological research on inferential processes, it was expected that the logic behind the presumption against specific acts testimony would receive empirical support. In the context of a videotaped automobile negligence trial, nondeliberating experimental jurors were presented with character evidence expressed either in terms of specific acts or in terms of general reputation. Mode of presentation and the amount of testimony also were varied. Only post hoc support for the logic behind the presumption against specific acts testimony was obtained, and several factors that may have constrained its impact were considered. 相似文献
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Eugene Tartakovsky 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2011,40(2):231-244
This study focuses on the national identity of high-school adolescents in Russia and Ukraine in the post-perestroika period.
Adolescents studying in public high schools in 12 medium-size and large cities completed questionnaires in 1999 (n = 468) and 2007 (n = 646). Russian adolescents consistently reported a more positive attitude towards their country and a stronger identification
with the nation than did Ukrainian adolescents. The effect of socio-economic changes on the two components of national identity
differed: the adolescents reported a more positive attitude towards their country in 2007 than in 1999, while their identification
with the nations did not change significantly. Social support received from peers was associated with a more positive attitude
towards the country and a stronger identification with the nation, while social support received from parents and teachers
was not related to the national identity of adolescents. Adolescents’ better psychological adjustment was associated with
a more positive attitude towards the country but was not related to their identification with the nation. Adolescents who
belonged to the ethnic majority reported a more positive attitude towards the country and a stronger identification with the
nation as compared to adolescents who belonged to ethnic minorities. 相似文献
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Eugene K. B. Tan 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(4):443-462
The maintenance of a “moderate mainstream” Muslim community as a bulwark against the fraying of harmonious ethnic relations has become a key governance concern post-September 11. In light of the global concern—and often paranoia—with diasporic Islam, Islamic religious institutions and civil society have been portrayed in the popular media as hotbeds of radicalism, promoters of hatred, and recruiters for a “conflict of civilization” between the Muslim world and the modern world. Having declared itself a terrorist's “iconic target,” Singapore has taken a broad-based community approach in advancing inter-religious tolerance, including a subtle initiative to include the “Muslim civil society” in advancing the understanding and the promotion of a moderate brand of Islam in Singapore. This tacit process of regulation (top-down, intra-community and inter-community), while effective, is constrained by the unique governance context in Singapore. 相似文献