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61.
Ismail I Ahmed 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(1):113-127
Somalia and Somaliland are both inhabited basically by Somaliswith small Oromo minorities in both, and a large Swahili minority in the latter. Both have multiple clans, sub-clans, lineage and blood groups and in both Islam is central to social values. Somalia had no history of a stable state before Italian rule but Somaliland did (Haud-Hargeisa-Berbera-Arabia trade axis centred). The United Republic of Somalia (rejected in the referendum by Somaliland) passed from political instability to two decades of Said Barre's increasingly centralised and repressive dictatorship which waged war against the North-west (Somaliland) and North-east (Bosaso) as well as against Ethiopia. The dictatorship collapsed in 1991 basically because of the 1987-91 Somaliland Liberation war. The economies of Somalia/Somaliland turn on pastoral production, commerce and remittances. These have recovered in part in Somalia and fully in Somaliland. However, only a fraction of the Barre regimes dissolution of service delivery and user friendly law and order capicity has been made good in Somaliland and virtually more in Somalia. USA/UN intervention did limit starvation and-for a time-open violence. That was at a high cost in finances, in the reputation of peacekeeping and to Somalis. UNOSOM answered political and civil questions before having any real grasp of civil, political and economic realities. The price was to entrench warlords and militias and to marginalise 'peacelords' (elders and merchants). Somaliland, never occupied by UNOSOM, has engaged in a series of large, long peace conferences of elders from all parts of its territory leading to a real if fragile national/territorial identity with personal security in most areas, an elected president and two house parliament, a user friendly police force and court system and the beginnings of a restored professional civil service. 相似文献
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Abdul Ghafar Ismail Bayu Taufiq Possumah Mohd Akil Muhamed Ali 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2018,45(3):591-609
The purpose of this paper is to resolve and examine the possible modus operandi of riba on selling and loan contract according to the Sharia’s precepts. This paper investigate the Qur’an, hadith, and juristic views on such relevant issues based on the survey done on the several sources, i.e., previous studies, Al-Qur’an and Al-Hadith and juristic views and deviate from the existing studies in two aspects, i.e., the selling and buying of goods do not involve riba and also the banks provide loan without riba. The findings of this paper are: First, the concept of interest in lending is widely accepted both in theory and practice. Second, riba exists in selling and lending. Third, the categorization and application of extensive and complex subjects of riba in economic life bring all speculative and usurious transactions under the rubric of riba prohibition. This paper important because express and disclosure riba in both exchange of goods and loans, also the social and economic developments. This is an original undertaking of this paper. 相似文献
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Source Determination of Red Gel Pen Inks using Raman Spectroscopy and Attenuated Total Reflectance Fourier Transform Infrared Spectroscopy combined with Pearson's Product Moment Correlation Coefficients and Principal Component Analysis
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Muhammad Naeim Mohamad Asri B.Sc. Wan Nur Syuhaila Mat Desa Ph.D. Dzulkiflee Ismail Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2018,63(1):285-291
The potential combination of two nondestructive techniques, that is, Raman spectroscopy (RS) and attenuated total reflectance–fourier transform infrared (ATR‐FTIR) spectroscopy with Pearson's product moment correlation (PPMC) coefficient (r) and principal component analysis (PCA) to determine the actual source of red gel pen ink used to write a simulated threatening note, was examined. Eighteen (18) red gel pens purchased from Japan and Malaysia from November to December 2014 where one of the pens was used to write a simulated threatening note were analyzed using RS and ATR‐FTIR spectroscopy, respectively. The spectra of all the red gel pen inks including the ink deposited on the simulated threatening note gathered from the RS and ATR‐FTIR analyses were subjected to PPMC coefficient (r) calculation and principal component analysis (PCA). The coefficients r = 0.9985 and r = 0.9912 for pairwise combination of RS and ATR‐FTIR spectra respectively and similarities in terms of PC1 and PC2 scores of one of the inks to the ink deposited on the simulated threatening note substantiated the feasibility of combining RS and ATR‐FTIR spectroscopy with PPMC coefficient (r) and PCA for successful source determination of red gel pen inks. The development of pigment spectral library had allowed the ink deposited on the threatening note to be identified as XSL Poppy Red (CI Pigment Red 112). 相似文献
65.
Feyzi Baban 《Citizenship Studies》2006,10(2):185-201
The recent condition of complexity within nation-states, triggered by the visibility of transnational communities and by the political demands of cultural identities, indicates that the traditional tools of national narratives with respect to articulations of identity and membership are exhausted. The debate on postnationalism suggests that unbounding citizenship from its national narrative would create the conditions in which the contentious issues of cultural recognition and representation could be resolved without resorting to the narrow confines of national narratives. This paper argues that that even though the postnationalism debate makes an important contribution in terms of indicating alternative forms of citizenship that are not tied to national discourse, it seriously underestimates the deep political connection between citizenship regimes and national narratives. By separating citizenship from national discourse, the postnationalism debate overlooks the ways in which transnational, ethnic, religious, sexual and other cultural identities interact with national narratives to negotiate their citizenship rights. More importantly, this assumed separation of citizenship rights from national discourse fails to acknowledge that the particular forms of citizenship rights, such as political representation and cultural recognition, and how they are exercised, are intertwined with the cultural hegemony of national narratives. Finally, the tension between citizenship regimes and national narratives provides the political space within which formerly marginalized groups and identities can invoke otherness to negotiate the cultural boundaries of nation-states. In other words, the politics of citizenship invoked by marginalized groups and identities is not simply about legal claims but also includes political attempts to reconfigure national narratives. 相似文献
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By 2000, ‘radicalisation’ had become a major global issue. Although ‘9/11’ was still a year away, the American Embassies in East Africa had been bombed in 1998 and violent conflicts simmered in many parts of the world. At just about the same time, bitter civil wars, resource-centred conflicts and intra-ethnic strife raged in West Africa. Against the background of research being undertaken at King's College London,1 the mutually reinforcing links between ‘radicalisation’ and ‘violence’ (potentially sensitive terms, discussed below) in West Africa became clearly obvious and a successful application to investigate this was submitted to the UK Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC).2 This Special Issue contains articles emerging from that work, with a set of country studies complemented by overarching synthetic analysis. 相似文献
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Abdirashid A. Ismail 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2016,10(4):513-529
By employing the contract approach of state theory, this article provides a conceptual framework for the analysis of state failure phenomena which puts the emphasis on structural conditions as the root cause of state fragility and state failure. The article argues that the deep social fragility of some post-colonial societies, augmented by self-serving external interventions by foreign powers, is at the heart of their failure. Deep social fragility makes societies unable to cooperate and thus renders them powerless to discipline their leaders. Meanwhile, by linking leadership survival to the decisions and policies of a self-serving foreign power, intervention provides flawed incentives to the state leaders, which increases their predatory behaviour. In such situations, state leaders, rather than strengthening formal state institutions, again intensify the collective action problem and increase social fragility as mechanisms for survival. 相似文献