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141.
142.
Dr. Francis W. Wolek 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》1989,14(2):23-27
Innovative ideas will not be transferred between organizations unless they pass the screening tests managers use to choose
innovations for transfer. This paper suggests that most screening methods have been developed for analyzing incremental improvements
in existing businesses. As such, these methods militate against the transfer of new technologies. The paper describes screening
methods in use at invention-management organizations as an alternative. These methods stress the development of business concepts
for innovations, i.e., the integration of product specifications with the targeted market's characteristics, the user's capability,
and convergent technologies that use and/or are used by the innovation.
His recent work includes an OECD study of the innovation policies of the western provinces of Canada and a study of the commercialization
of agricultural biotechnology for the US Department of Agriculture. 相似文献
143.
144.
Francis T. Cullen Gregory A. Clark Richard A. Mathers John B. Cullen 《Journal of criminal justice》1983,11(6):481-493
It is commonly asserted that white-collar crime flourishes because the public is unaware of its costs and indifferent to its control. Survey data collected in Illinois indicate, however, that the public perceives white-collar offenses to have greater economic and moral costs than conventional street crimes, though not to be as violent. More notably, our sample displayed strong support for the criminal sanctioning of white-collar offenders. Public attitudes thus do not appear to be either a major obstacle to attacking upper-world criminality, or its source. It is suggested that attempts to blame the public for its immense victimization serve only to divert attention from the real structural conditions that underlie both high rates of white-collar crime and the reluctance of the state to bring the lawlessness of the advantaged within the reach of the criminal law. 相似文献
145.
146.
Comparative police research has largely been based on qualitative or participatory techniques. The present study utilizes quantitative data collected from America and South Korea in 2005 to test the hypothesis that American citizens have higher levels of confidence in the police than their South Korean counterparts. The study further hypothesizes that citizens’ confidence in institutions such as the court and the government will influence levels of confidence in the police. Results obtained offered support for the stated hypotheses. 相似文献
147.
How Citizens React to Political Scandals Surrounding Government Leaders: A Survey Study in Hong Kong
Francis L. F. Lee 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(1):44-62
Public opinion research has suggested that the negative impact of scandals on public evaluation of the politicians involved is not always strong. Part of the reason is that people may hold varying perceptions regarding the nature, factuality, and importance of the scandals. According to the theory of motivated reasoning, people develop varying perceptions by processing information in ways that reconfirm their existing views. This study applies such insights to analyze how citizens react to political scandals surrounding government leaders in Hong Kong, where such scandals have arguably become increasingly prominent in recent years. This study constructs a theoretical model linking prior political attitudes, scandal-related perceptions, response evaluation, and evaluation of politicians. Analysis of survey data confirms most of the hypotheses in two cases. External efficacy and support for democracy substantially influence perceived factuality and acceptability of the scandals. Such perceptions shape people's evaluations of the responses by the government and the officials involved, which in turn affect evaluation of the officials. 相似文献
148.
Francis Castles 《West European politics》2013,36(1):11-29
The performance of the Scandinavian Social Democratic parties is assessed in a comparative Western European perspective. The Social Democrats’ achievement of the status of ‘natural parties of government’ is shown to have been matched by welfare policy outcomes markedly superior to most other advanced nations. It is also argued that the long period of Social Democratic dominance in Scandinavia has provided the organised working class with an important position in the power structure and an influence in formulating the prevailing ‘image of society’. Finally, the political problems threatening continued Social Democratic ascendancy are briefly examined. 相似文献
149.
International economic issues have become a foremost government concern since the start of the global financial crisis, leaving economic security increasingly linked to more traditional concepts of national interest and politico-military security. This prioritization has been reflected in the recent requirements of the United Kingdom's intelligence and security actors. Yet, scholarly research has neglected the relationship between intelligence, international economics, and contemporary security policy. Taking current requirements as a catalyst, this article draws on contemporary British history to explore when intelligence can be used to protect economic security and when intelligence actors can best use economic measures to achieve broader politico-military goals. The use of secret intelligence in the economic sphere does, however, have certain limitations and it should therefore only be employed when necessary. 相似文献
150.
This article focuses on the notion that the policies and politics of states and nations constitute distinct worlds or clusters. We begin by examining the concept of clustering as it has emerged in the literature on policy regimes and families of nations. We then address a series of empirical questions: whether distinct worlds persist in an era of policy convergence and globalisation, whether policy antecedents cluster in the same ways as policy outcomes and whether the enlargement of the EU has led to an increase in the number of worlds constituting the wider European polity. Our main conclusions are that country clustering is, if anything, more pronounced than in the past, that it is, in large part, structurally determined and that the EU now contains a quite distinct post-Communist family of nations. 相似文献