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41.
Compared to other continental European countries, especially Germany and Switzerland, which have experimented with New Public Management (NPM) in local government, The Netherlands has been relatively quick in following trends stemming from Anglo-Saxon management thinking, but also relatively quick in redressing its course. The rise of the New Public Management in Dutch local government has been relatively swift and strong but also relatively superficial and non‐committal. The dominant picture that emerges is one of an administrative system that, while responsive to the latest trends, is also surprisingly stable. Management reforms, forcefully advocated in the 1980s, were decisively revised and redressed in the 1990s, with the city of Tilburg, celebrated for its 'Tilburg Model', a case in point. The Werdegang of NPM (that is, how things developed) in Dutch local government, detailed in this article, can be understood only partially as a result of changing economic and budgetary constraints. The article shows that endogenous features of the Dutch politico-administrative system – more specifically: the compact, dense and decentralized pattern of the intergovernmental network, the administrative tradition of pragmatism, dynamic conservatism and the comparatively technocratic character of local government – have also strongly influenced the reception, effect and correction of NPM in Dutch local government. 相似文献
42.
Frank van Tulder 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》1992,8(1):113-131
Dutch criminality and its relation to the performance of police and justice have only recently been analyzed at the macro level (e.g., at the level of municipalities or the whole country). This type of approach is a useful supplement to analyses at the micro level (that of individuals), which are more common in Dutch empirical criminological research. The main results of such a macro approach are presented in this article. We conclude that the per capita numbers of youth, divorced people, and unemployed contribute significantly to the crime rate. The police strength and solving rates are important factors as well. Analysis of the production process of the police reveals that detecting one more case of driving under the influence is far more expensive than solving one more other crime or handling one more traffic accident. The results are combined to sketch a cost-benefit approach of different strategies in allocating more resources to the police. Allocating extra resources to solving more cases of vandalism gives the best cost-benefit ratio. 相似文献
43.
Carol Watson 《Negotiation Journal》1994,10(2):117-127
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Gerd Langguth 《Asia Europe Journal》2003,1(1):25-42
With Asia's economy still booming in the second half of the 1990's “Asian values” were announced by some politicians (Lee
Kuan Yew, Mahatir, Ishihara, Mahbubani etc.) and contrasted with “Western values”. Soon a controversial debate within Asia
ensued (Kim, Fidel Ramos ea..), into which also the western democracies joined. The “West” however reacted rather defensively
to the new assertiveness of some Asian statesmen, inspite of the fact that the authors of this debate put into question the
western dominance in global value setting which has been in existence since the French revolution. But has this debate withstood
the test of time, the challenges posed by the recession in Asia and by the ever increasing globalization? Hardly. The crisis
has destroyed the notion that “Asian values” had been the main cause and guarantor of Asia's exorbitant growth rates.
While in the West Christianity forms the essential basics of culture, in Asia there is a multitude of coexisting - and frequently
confronting world religions. There is no other continent which in cultural and political terms is so contradictory and potentially
conflict ridden like Asia. “Asianism” as a concept was surely also intended as an instrument to integrate multiethnic Asian
societies with weak internal cohesion. At the same time it served to neutralize the human rights issue.
In the meantime the debate has become quieter and more dispassionate. In the developed West the notion gained acceptance to
abandon “Eurocentrism”. At the same time there is recognition that “Asian values” are not exclusive. Also in Europe the family
plays a special role. A debate on values is needed for societal integration – also in the “West” which should become more
aware of the need to reassert the origins of its own spiritual foundations. Following September 11th the west is well advised
to continue the dialogue on values with Asia.
Update and expanded version of an article first published in: Au?enpolitik IV/1996, p. 326 “Beginnt das pazifische Jahrhundert?”
I would like to thank Julia Prati for the translation of the updated and expanded version of this article 相似文献
47.
Stephen Kershnar 《Law and Philosophy》2007,26(5):437-463
In two recent cases, Grutter v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 306. (2003) and Gratz v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 244. (2003), the Supreme
Court held that the Equal Protection Clause permitted state schools to use race-sensitive admissions in order to obtain the
educational benefits that flow from a diverse student body. The diversity-based argument for race-sensitive admissions, scholarships,
awards, and other opportunities at universities should have been rejected because it does not consider the full range of costs
and benefits and because the more narrow educational effects probably weigh against such programs. However, this does not
suggest that applicants’ race, ethnicity, and gender should be ignored. Rather the same consideration that led to the defeat
of the diversity argument, i.e., reasoning capacity, supports the consideration of demographic factors. However, attention
to such factors further undermines the consequentialist case for affirmative action. 相似文献
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Wolfgang Durner 《Natur und Recht》2010,32(12):900-900