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31.
ELIZABETH GRADDY 《Law & policy》1994,16(1):49-61
Manufacturers actively lobbied in the 1980s for legislative intervention in the tort system that would ease the burden on defendants in products liability cases. In response, all states enacted some type of general tort reform. California eliminated joint and several liability for noneconomic damages with the approval by voters in 1986 of Proposition 51. This paper evaluates the effectiveness of the California reform on manufacturer outcomes in products liability cases. The results suggest that manufacturers are paying a lower proportion of plaintiff awards than they would have in the absence of Proposition 51. 相似文献
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Abstract. The challenge for contemporary Green parties in government is to demonstrate both that they have not been completely de-radicalised, and that their presence in government can make a difference. Green party involvement in the European Union (EU) adds distinctive elements to this challenge. Does engagement in supranational decision making provide new opportunities for Green parties to exercise influence beyond borders? Or does it simply further exacerbate de-radicalisation tendencies? Focusing on the German and Finnish Green parties, this article explores the 'European dimension' of Green parties' governmental incumbency. Three sets of literature (Europeanisation, party change and EU policy making) are used to derive and test several hypotheses related to the impact of EU involvement on Green parties, and the impact of Green parties on EU policy making. It is argued that EU governmental engagement has accelerated Green party de-radicalisation both organisationally and programmatically, but the dynamics of this process are complex and surprisingly interactive as Greens also attempt to exercise influence over EU policy. The findings are relevant not just for those studying Green parties, but for those exploring wider questions of Europeanisation, party change and EU policy making. 相似文献
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Previous studies have confirmed the interdisciplinary nature of the field of public administration ( Mosher 1956 ; Ventriss 1991 ; Forrester 1996 ; Rodgers and Rodgers 2000 ; Schroeder et al. 2004 ) and encouraged the exploration of one important indicator of interdisciplinarity: research collaboration. One way that collaboration patterns are explored is through the study of co‐authorship among faculty members ( Smart and Bayer 1986 ; Forrester 1996 ; Katz and Martin 1997 ). In the field of public administration, studies on co‐authorship and productivity of scholars are sparse. In this article, we use bibliometric data to explore collaboration patterns as they relate to productivity levels and quality of publications within the field of public administration. Our study finds that more productive scholars, as well as those with the highest impact, are less likely to collaborate than their colleagues. Our results also indicate that there are gender differences in collaboration patterns and productivity within the field of public administration. 相似文献
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In Gregg v. Georgia in 1976, the U.S. Supreme Court declared that public opinion, including the public's presumed desire for retribution, can be a legitimate basis for penal policy. Subsequently, the retributive doctrine has guided sentencing reform across the nation. But variation among the public in support for retribution as the goal of punishment and the effects of religion in shaping public sentiments about punishment have received little attention from researchers. Drawing from recent work on attribution theory and religion, this paper proposes and reports evidence that public support for the retributive doctrine is closely linked to affiliation with fundamentalist Protestant denominations and fundamentalist religious beliefs. The normative implications of such a connection are addressed. 相似文献
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Originating with the Newark, NJ, foot patrol experiment, research has found police foot patrols improve community perception of the police and reduce fear of crime, but they are generally unable to reduce the incidence of crime. Previous tests of foot patrol have, however, suffered from statistical and measurement issues and have not fully explored the potential dynamics of deterrence within microspatial settings. In this article, we report on the efforts of more than 200 foot patrol officers during the summer of 2009 in Philadelphia. Geographic information systems (GIS) analysis was the basis for a randomized controlled trial of police effectiveness across 60 violent crime hotspots. The results identified a significant reduction in the level of treatment area violent crime after 12 weeks. A linear regression model with separate slopes fitted for treatment and control groups clarified the relationship even more. Even after accounting for natural regression to the mean, target areas in the top 40 percent on pretreatment violent crime counts had significantly less violent crime during the operational period. Target areas outperformed the control sites by 23 percent, resulting in a total net effect (once displacement was considered) of 53 violent crimes prevented. The results suggest that targeted foot patrols in violent crime hotspots can significantly reduce violent crime levels as long as a threshold level of violence exists initially. The findings contribute to a growing body of evidence on the contribution of hotspots and place‐based policing to the reduction of crime, and especially violent crime, which is a significant public health threat in the United States. We suggest that intensive foot patrol efforts in violent hotspots may achieve deterrence at a microspatial level, primarily by increasing the certainty of disruption, apprehension, and arrest. The theoretical and practical implications for violence reduction are discussed. 相似文献