全文获取类型
收费全文 | 189篇 |
免费 | 10篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 34篇 |
工人农民 | 14篇 |
世界政治 | 28篇 |
外交国际关系 | 13篇 |
法律 | 60篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 44篇 |
综合类 | 5篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 7篇 |
2019年 | 9篇 |
2018年 | 9篇 |
2017年 | 12篇 |
2016年 | 7篇 |
2015年 | 6篇 |
2014年 | 8篇 |
2013年 | 40篇 |
2012年 | 3篇 |
2011年 | 12篇 |
2010年 | 6篇 |
2009年 | 12篇 |
2007年 | 4篇 |
2006年 | 5篇 |
2005年 | 6篇 |
2004年 | 6篇 |
2003年 | 7篇 |
2002年 | 5篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 2篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有199条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
191.
Political Behavior - As numerous studies in the US and elsewhere document, voters often hold incumbents accountable for recent economic circumstances. However, our knowledge of the conditions that... 相似文献
192.
Gabriel Rosser Toby Davies Kate J. Bowers Shane D. Johnson Tao Cheng 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》2017,33(3):569-594
Objectives
Decades of empirical research demonstrate that crime is concentrated at a range of spatial scales, including street segments. Further, the degree of clustering at particular geographic units remains noticeably stable and consistent; a finding that Weisburd (Criminology 53:133–157, 2015) has recently termed the ‘law of crime concentration at places’. Such findings suggest that the future locations of crime should—to some extent at least—be predictable. To date, methods of forecasting where crime is most likely to next occur have focused either on area-level or grid-based predictions. No studies of which we are aware have developed and tested the accuracy of methods for predicting the future risk of crime at the street segment level. This is surprising given that it is at this level of place that many crimes are committed and policing resources are deployed.Methods
Using data for property crimes for a large UK metropolitan police force area, we introduce and calibrate a network-based version of prospective crime mapping [e.g. Bowers et al. (Br J Criminol 44:641–658, 2004)], and compare its performance against grid-based alternatives. We also examine how measures of predictive accuracy can be translated to the network context, and show how differences in performance between the two cases can be quantified and tested.Results
Findings demonstrate that the calibrated network-based model substantially outperforms a grid-based alternative in terms of predictive accuracy, with, for example, approximately 20 % more crime identified at a coverage level of 5 %. The improvement in accuracy is highly statistically significant at all coverage levels tested (from 1 to 10 %).Conclusions
This study suggests that, for property crime at least, network-based methods of crime forecasting are likely to outperform grid-based alternatives, and hence should be used in operational policing. More sophisticated variations of the model tested are possible and should be developed and tested in future research.193.
194.
195.
196.
Shigeo Hirano Gabriel S. Lenz Maksim Pinkovskiy James M. Snyder Jr. 《American journal of political science》2015,59(1):91-108
When voters learn about candidates' issue positions during election campaigns, does it affect how they vote? This basic question about voters remains unanswered in part because of a methodological obstacle: learning candidates' issue positions may influence not only voters' vote choice but also their issue positions. To surmount this obstacle, we attempt to answer this question by examining statewide primary elections, which are arguably less vulnerable to this reverse causation problem because they lack partisan cues and are of much lower salience than presidential elections. Using both existing polling data and our own panel Internet surveys, we find that voters learn about the ideologies of candidates during statewide primary campaigns and that this learning affects their voting decisions in senate and gubernatorial primaries. We fail to find similar results for down‐ballot primaries, raising questions about voters' ability to make informed judgments for these types of elections. 相似文献
197.
Do Open Primaries Improve Representation? An Experimental Test of California's 2012 Top‐Two Primary
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《Legislative Studies Quarterly》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
To improve representation and alleviate polarization among US lawmakers, many have promoted open primaries—allowing voters to choose candidates from any party—but the evidence that this reform works is mixed. To determine whether open primaries lead voters to choose ideologically proximate candidates, we conducted a statewide experiment just before California's 2012 primaries, the first conducted under a new top‐two format. We find that voters failed to distinguish moderate and extreme candidates. As a consequence, voters actually chose more ideologically distant candidates on the new ballot, and the reform failed to improve the fortunes of moderate congressional and state senate candidates. 相似文献
198.
E‐Government Technology Transfer: A Case Study of the Implementation of a European Patent Management System in Brazil
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《公共行政管理与发展》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
In order to bolster the emerging but still underdeveloped conceptualization of e‐government technology transfer, we examine the implementation of a European Patent Management System in Brazil. The case study provided in this article offers opportunities to improve understanding on technical and organizational issues associated with e‐government technology transfer. Our findings provide evidence that the transfer of e‐government technology from a European to a Brazilian context requires multiple adaptations of the original design, intensive learning on the side of the recipient organization, and flexible implementation plans. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
199.
Mainstream medical philosophy and practice differ in many respects from those of complementary and alternative medicine (CAM), differences which are explored in this article. Because of a resurgence of CAM therapies, courts and tribunals will scrutinise CAM in more and more contexts in the future. Such court cases may require the resolution of conflicts between opinions of CAM and medical experts. This article considers how courts evaluate such opinions where experts hold conflicting ideologies or philosophical approaches, and addresses the following questions: Do the opinions of CAM practitioners qualify as "expert" opinions in court? How do the courts examine the basis of such opinions? Are they systematically given less weight than the opinions of mainstream medical practitioners? Will recent procedural reforms for hearing expert evidence make it easier for courts to resolve these issues? 相似文献