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Gawdat Bahgat 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(2):141-152
Since 1979 the United States and several European countries have accused the Islamic Republic of Iran of supporting terrorism. This article does not seek to examine the validity of these accusations. Rather, it analyzes how Washington and Brussels have sought to change Tehran's policy. Special attention is given to organizations such as Hizbollah, Hamas, Jihad, and Mujahideen-e Khalq. In addition, Ayatollah Khomeini's Fatwa against Salman Rushdie, the Mykonos trial, and the Flatow Amendment are discussed. The article highlights the differences between the American and European approaches toward Iran and suggests that more cooperation between the two sides of the Atlantic is needed. 相似文献
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Gawdat Bahgat 《管理》2004,17(1):115-126
The intense interest shown by the major international oil and gas companies in the Caspian Sea testifies to its promising potentials. The seven- hundred-mile long Caspian Sea is located in northwest Asia. Five countries—Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Turkmenistan—share the Caspian basin. Shortly after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Caspian states became open to foreign investment and the region has reemerged as a potentially significant player in the global energy policy. Indeed, the geological potential of the Caspian region as a major source of oil and gas is not in doubt. The rate of investment, however, is (and will continue to be) determined by the perceived risk in the region. This report examines three socioeconomic and political challenges to the region: ethnic conflicts, disagreements over the most cost-effective pipeline routes, and disputes over the legal status of the Caspian. 相似文献
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Gawdat Bahgat 《和平与变革》1999,24(1):76-90
Since the 1950s, the Persian Gulf has emerged as a major oil producer. The region's significance in satisfying the world's growing appetite for oil is increasing, due to its immense proven reserves. Thus, the stability of the Gulf states has become an important concern to all major global powers. The Gulf War resulted in the liberation of Kuwait but it has not laid down the foundations for a durable peace. A long-term peace requires, among other things, regional co-operation and pluralistic political regimes. This study focuses on the cleavage separating the Shi'is from the Sunnis in three Gulf states: Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Iraq. Shi'ism is examined less as a religious issue than as a socio-economic pphenomenon. 相似文献
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Gawdat Bahgat 《中东政策》2023,30(1):98-109
For a long time, analysts of the Middle East have justifiably focused their attention on Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, three Gulf states holding massive hydrocarbon deposits and financial resources. Their leaders are the main “movers and shakers” of regional affairs and enjoy tremendous influence on the international scene. Still, other Gulf states play significant roles in shaping the Middle East's economic and strategic landscape. Such is the case with Oman, which has been a major US ally in most regional crises and has played a crucial role in mediating Gulf conflicts. This article, based on several visits to the sultanate and interviews with senior officials, analyzes the domestic, regional, and international dynamics being navigated by Sultan Haitham bin Tarik, who succeeded Sultan Qaboos bin Said in January 2020. The argument is that the new Omani leader is likely to follow the domestic and foreign policies of his predecessor, with minor adjustments. Oman may witness major changes when Crown Prince Theyazin succeeds his father. For now, given the crucial role Muscat plays in mediating regional conflicts, the sultanate expects more attention from its counterparts in Washington. 相似文献
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