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501.
502.
Glenn E. Curtis Seth L. Elan Rexford A. Hudson Nina A. Kollars 《Trends in Organized Crime》2002,7(3):19-57
This study investigates the major pockets of activity of Chinese criminal groups from 2000–2003, throughout the world except for Mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan. The main geographical regions of such activity are Australia, Europe, Japan, Latin America, North America, Russia, South Africa, and Southeast Asia. The report notes the participation of such groups in all major types of crime, including trafficking of human beings and various commodities, financial crimes, extortion, gambling, prostitution, and violent crimes. For the purposes of this report, the term “Chinese” refers to individuals of purely Chinese ethnic origin living in any part of the world. The criminal groups described vary in size and degree of structure; they include syndicates, triads, gangs, and ad hoc combinations of organization members and non-members. Because of this variety, an increasing tendency toward ad hoc activity, and the lack of specificity in many open sources, the term “group” is used when a criminal activity is not attributed to a specific type of organization. The report's sources are several recent monographs, journal articles on various aspects of such crime in the geographical regions where it occurs, and Internet reports by journalists and law enforcement agencies. Some sources published prior to the time period covered by the report have been used to provide background and establish long-term trends. 相似文献
503.
504.
Gerald J. Beyer 《Human Rights Review》2005,6(4):5-31
Many of the debates concerning the existence of economic rights obfuscate the meaning of the possession of a right to an economic
good. In order to provide clarification, several theoretical questions must be probed. This essay explores each of these issues
in order to demonstrate that greater conceptual clarity repudiates the arguments against the existence of economic rights.
It also seeks to attenuate the vexing problem of necessary and painful tradeoffs between competing rights claims. The final
portion of this essay heuristically demonstrates how greater conceptual clarity can aid us in dealing with complex policy
issues involving competing rights claims.
The phase “Nonsense on stilts” is borrowed from Jeremy Bentham’s refutation pf “Natural” rights. Jeremy Bentham, “Anarchical
Fallacies” in Human Rights, ed. A.I.Melden (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1970), 30–31. 相似文献
505.
Familicide refers to the killing of multiple family members, most commonly the homicide of an intimate partner and at least one child. This study examines the prevalence of familicide in the United States. Second, it explores the relationship between the prevalence of familicide and the prevalence of financial problems in the United States by making use of Supplementary Homicide Reports data and newspaper reports. In the period of 2000–2009, familicide involving an intimate partner and child(ren) occurred approximately 23 times per year. The majority of the perpetrators were male, who committed the offense with a firearm. Familicides involving an intimate partner and child(ren) with financial motives alone occurred 4 to 5 times per year. The results showed that the association between familicide and financial problems is not a straightforward one. Even though correlational analyses suggest a relationship between the two, the prevalence of familicide motivated by financial problems was unrelated to periods of financial downfall. Directions for future research are discussed. 相似文献
506.
Gerald Chan 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(1):96-113
Abstract In December 1993 the Taiwan government adopted a policy called nanjin zhengce or sudpolitik, a policy aimed at diverting part of Taiwan's trade and investment flows from China to Southeast Asia. This paper addresses the following questions: what is sudpolitik? why adopt such a policy? what are the economic, political, and strategic considerations in the pursuit of this policy? which countries are its specific targets? how do the countries directly affected by this policy respond to it? The paper also discusses the issue of Taiwan's aid in connection with sudpolitik. While the effectiveness of the policy is far from clear at present, the paper concludes with four observations: Taiwan's trade and aid are beginning to intertwine; Taiwan's diplomacy is largely economically or commercially led; Taiwan has achieved some positive results in improving its relations with Southeast Asian countries; and, Taiwan has reached a new stage in its economic development whereby it needs to invest overseas in order to sustain its economic growth. Overall, sudpolitik represents a novel step in Taiwan's diplomatic practice. 相似文献
507.
Gerald Eisenkopf 《International Public Management Journal》2013,16(3):332-344
ABSTRACT Quantitative performance measurement is a controversial idea in the public sector. This paper argues that management by measurement is sensible if the measurement methods have a sufficient quality. In particular, quantitative performance measures have to address problems of gaming and monitoring intensity. I look at the assignment of negative weights to poor, but informative, performance measures even if these measures have a positive correlation with the non-contractible performance objective. In a simple agency relationship, I show how a poor measure with negative weight can serve as an indicator for manipulation. However, the benefits derived from a negative weight may come at the price of increased measurement risk. Healthcare and research organizations provide examples of how negative weights can improve performance measurement. 相似文献
508.
509.
Gerald Ashford 《Journal of Arts Management, Law & Society》2013,43(3):431-435
510.
Craig Curtis 《New Political Science》2013,35(3):273-289
Noise pollution is an ongoing problem in American cities, and car stereos are a major reason why large numbers of people are unhappy. Citizens are demanding regulation of “boom cars” and the typical policy response is to use the criminal sanction. The behavior is annoying, but hardly morally opprobrious. Despite the best intentions of those who propose such laws, they are potentially a bigger danger to civil liberties than the behavior that they purport to regulate. The enforcement of such laws does little to curb the behavior in question, but may function as a content-based regulation of certain types of music, provides opportunities for racial profiling, and may harm the legitimacy of the government thus reducing its ability to use its police power in areas which are more appropriate for the use of that power. 相似文献