Theoretical issues and social indicators: A societal process approach

Well-being involves various levels: the individual, the institutional-distributive, and the societal. These levels are interrelated. Social indicators of well-being must be theoretically based so as to take into account these levels. A societal process model is proposed to describe the levels of society and the nature of well-being at each level. Social indicator types regarding the output and distribution of well-being, the effect of policy manipulatable and nonmanipulatable inputs, and the secondary consequences of inputs are suggested and examples are provided.The ideas presented herein have evolved from the authors' participation in a research project conducted for the U.S. Agency for International Development (AID/csd—3642), but do not necessarily reflect the views of that agency. Thanks are extended to J. Steven Picou, James Copp, Jon Alston, Bill Howard, and Ben Crouch, as well as to the then editor of this journal, Garry Brewer, and several anonymous reviewers who were kind enough to provide both cogent critique and encouragement. Journal Paper No. J-8808 of the Iowa Agriculture and Home Economics Experiment station, Ames, Iowa. Project No. 1837.     

Identity formation and social relations during late adolescence

Theoretical assumptions outlined by Erik Erikson on psychosocial crisis resolution hypothesizes that the positive resolution of the identity crisis is predictive of more mature intimacy formation. To test this hypothesis, college-aged late adolescents (48 subjects) completed interviews and selfreport instruments measuring identity formation and degree of intimacy along with daily records of social interactions for one week. Analyses indicated a complex association between identity and intimacy formation. Comparisons were made between the exploration and commitment process of identity and the measures of intimacy formation and social interaction measures. Numerous complex sex differences were observed with several interactions between gender, exploration, commitment, and intimacy context. Findings are discussed in terms of broadening future research direction beyond the simple study of the linkage of identity and intimacy.Partial funding for this study was provided through a grant to the second author. Support was given by Science and Education Administration/United States Department of Agriculture and the Utah State Agricultural Experiment Station.Research interests include adolescent development, personality and social relations, and mental health issues.Research interests focus on personality and social development in adolescence.Research interests include psychotherapy, mental health, and psychopathology.     

Strategic issues in structuring multi-party public policy negotiations

Conclusion The protocols suggested here provide a framework for addressing the major strategic issues encountered in structuring multi-party public policy negotiations. A careful consideration of the procedures before substantive negotiations begin is the best assurance that these issues will not emerge as dilemmas and crises during the process itself. The protocols should be created by the parties to derive the full benefits of relevance and commitment. To borrow protocols created for another negotiation may result in both unrealistic and missing provisions.Having a good dispute, where the appropriate parties effectively explore and address their most essential and difficult differences, is the critical first step in effective dispute settlement. Gerald W. Cormick is regional director of The Mediation Institute, 15629 Cascadian Way, Mill Creek, Wash. 98012 and research associate professor at the Graduate School of Public Affairs, the University of Washington.An earlier version of this column was presented by the author during a panel on environmental and natural resource dispute resolution at a research conference sponsored by the Association for Public Policy and Management, 30 October 1987, in Bethesda, Md.     

Book reviews

Cyril Smith, Marx at the Millennium, (Pluto Press, London 1996). 182pp. ISBN 0–7453–100–1 (pb).

Hans‐Henrik Holm and Georg Sørensen (eds), Whose World Order? Uneven Globalization and the End of the Cold War, (Westview Press, Boulder 1995). x.+246pp. ISBN 0–8133–2187–5 (pb).

David A.Smith and József Böröcz (eds), A New World Order? Global Transformations in the Late Twentieth Century, (Praeger, Westport 1995). xii+253pp. ISBN 0–275–95122–7.

Frank E. Manuel, A Requiem for Karl Marx, (Harvard University Press, 1995). 270pp. ISBN 0–674–76326–2.

Hanna Behrend (ed.), German Unification: the Destruction of an Economy, (Pluto Press, London 1995). 232pp. ISBN 0–7453–1003–6.

David Miller, On Nationality, (Clarendon Press, Oxford 1995). 210pp. ISBN 0–19–828047–5.

Thom Keuhls, Beyond Sovereign Territory: The Space of Ecopolitics, (Borderlines Vol. 4, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis 1996). 168 pp. ISBN 0–8166–2467–4 (hb), 0–8166–2468–2 (pb).     

‘How we think they think’: thought styles in the management of international aid

Aid administration is characterised by high moral objectives and often frustratingly low achievements. This article explores the idea that the problem lies not in inadequate policy or instruments as such but in the thinking processes that emerge within policy circles, at delivery levels within aid administration and at the interface between donor and recipient, to which the trade likes to apply the notion of ‘partnership’. Cultural Theory identifies three distinct and often contradictory ways of thinking that reflect individualist, group and hierarchical value premises. It is adopted here to explore how these types of thinking apply within aid administration, finding that the policy process is a surprisingly ‘groupie’ kind of activity, emphasising the sharing of values and understandings within donor circles. Delivery agents (donor field offices) by contrast are under hierarchical pressure to turn the outcomes into packaged deliverables, whether the ‘good’ is packageable or not. Supported by NPM orthodoxies, these agents seek control through linear programming and performance monitoring. A third contradiction is revealed when the donor attempts to bring such packages into a partnership relationship with recipient governments. Partnership is about sharing and dealing. But what the recipient is offered is a package with Henry Ford type characteristics: ‘any colour you like (social aspiration), as long as it is black (PRSP formula)’. The article is biased; from the perspective of a consultant caught in the middle; but if there is truth in the findings it might just open the door to new styles of aid relationship and novel delivery vehicles. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Alberto Guerreiro Ramos, 20 Years Later: A New Science Still Unrealized in an Era of Public Cynicism and Theoretical Ambivalence

Alberto Guerreiro Ramos's public life and scholarly works challenge us to rethink and reconceptualize the field of public administration, particularly in this era of public cynicism and theoretical uncertainty. This article examines the historical context of his earlier writings and how they influenced his later scholarly work. As a prominent Brazilian scholar working in the United States, Guerreiro Ramos's "in-betweenness," as he called it, provided him a unique and little-appreciated perspective from which to reevaluate the social sciences. The result was his last book, The New Science of Organizations: A Reconceptualization of the Wealth of Nations, one of the most polemical works published in the field and an examination of the fundamental assumptions of public administration and the social sciences.     

Tau-b or Not Tau-b: Measuring the Similarity of Foreign Policy Positions

The pattern of alliances among states is commonly assumed to reflect theextent to which states have common or conflicting security interests. For the past twenty years, Kendall's τ b has been used to measure the similarity of nations' "portfolios" of alliance commitments. Widely employed indicators of systemic polarity, state utility, and state risk propensity all rely on τ b . We demonstrate that τ b is inappropriate for measuring the similarity of states' alliance policies. We develop an alternative measure of policy portfolio similarity, S , which avoids many of the problems associated with τ b , and we use data on alliances among European states to compare S to τ b . Finally, we identify several problems with inferring state interests from alliances alone, and we provide a method to overcome those problems using S in combination with data on alliances, trade, UN votes, diplomatic missions, and other types of state interaction. We demonstrate this by comparing the calculated similarity of foreign policy positions based solely on alliance data to that based on alliance data supplemented with UN voting data.