全文获取类型
收费全文 | 8877篇 |
免费 | 204篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 661篇 |
工人农民 | 334篇 |
世界政治 | 518篇 |
外交国际关系 | 352篇 |
法律 | 5479篇 |
中国共产党 | 7篇 |
中国政治 | 50篇 |
政治理论 | 1623篇 |
综合类 | 57篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 108篇 |
2019年 | 123篇 |
2018年 | 216篇 |
2017年 | 227篇 |
2016年 | 254篇 |
2015年 | 194篇 |
2014年 | 185篇 |
2013年 | 913篇 |
2012年 | 209篇 |
2011年 | 213篇 |
2010年 | 205篇 |
2009年 | 220篇 |
2008年 | 279篇 |
2007年 | 305篇 |
2006年 | 326篇 |
2005年 | 213篇 |
2004年 | 203篇 |
2003年 | 209篇 |
2002年 | 193篇 |
2001年 | 316篇 |
2000年 | 278篇 |
1999年 | 245篇 |
1998年 | 108篇 |
1997年 | 87篇 |
1996年 | 79篇 |
1995年 | 68篇 |
1994年 | 82篇 |
1993年 | 68篇 |
1992年 | 127篇 |
1991年 | 168篇 |
1990年 | 161篇 |
1989年 | 150篇 |
1988年 | 156篇 |
1987年 | 172篇 |
1986年 | 167篇 |
1985年 | 155篇 |
1984年 | 133篇 |
1983年 | 127篇 |
1982年 | 84篇 |
1981年 | 99篇 |
1980年 | 69篇 |
1979年 | 131篇 |
1978年 | 89篇 |
1977年 | 74篇 |
1976年 | 56篇 |
1975年 | 81篇 |
1974年 | 86篇 |
1973年 | 83篇 |
1972年 | 58篇 |
1971年 | 57篇 |
排序方式: 共有9081条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
231.
232.
Hanns Günther Hilpert 《Asia Europe Journal》2018,16(4):439-447
After more than 4 years of negotiations, Japan and the EU have reached an agreement for bilateral free trade. The intended liberalization of trade in goods, agriculture, and services would create the world’s largest free trade area. Japan and Europe are sending a strong signal against protectionism and in favor of free trade and modernizing global trade rules. While free trade in the transatlantic and the transpacific context will remain an illusion for some time to come, the Japan-EU Economic Partnership Agreement (JEEPA) is a realistic option for trade partners at the western and eastern side of the Eurasian continent. The expected overall positive effects of JEEPA should not obscure the limitations and risks of the intended trade integration. There will be economic losers of the agreement both in Europe and in Japan. There is plenty of fuel for political and social conflict. And in light of the many informal barriers, market access to Japan will remain extremely difficult for European companies. Beyond trade policy, JEEPA has a political dimension, too. It shows the political will to counteract economic disintegration and the loss of political substance in the bilateral relationship. The aim is to intensify cooperation, which would benefit both sides economically and politically. 相似文献
233.
Gregory A. Porumbescu Meghan I. H. Lindeman Erica Ceka Maria Cucciniello 《Public administration review》2017,77(6):840-850
Voluntary policy compliance is an important yet rarely studied topic in public administration. To address the paucity of research, this article proposes and empirically tests a conceptual framework that ties policy transparency and policy understanding to voluntary policy compliance intentions. The reasoning is that the extent to which citizens understand a policy contributes to their intentions to comply with that policy. Further, the authors argue that policy transparency indirectly influences voluntary policy compliance intentions through a positive effect on citizens’ levels of policy understanding. To enhance the validity of the findings, the authors assess these relationships across two policy domains. The findings reflect an indirect positive effect of transparency on voluntary compliance occurring through policy understanding. However, this emerged only for one policy domain. These results suggest that the effects of policy transparency on policy understanding and voluntary policy compliance intentions may depend on the policy domain. 相似文献
234.
235.
236.
Sara H. Nelson 《Capitalism Nature Socialism》2017,28(1):118-136
This article revisits regulatory debates about environmental valuation following the Exxon Valdez oil spill to argue that the spill can be seen as a constitutive moment in the rise of neoliberalism. I show that rationalizing environmental values was not simply about applying market rationality to the natural world, but entailed reexamining the nature of that rationality itself and its relevance to social behavior. I then trace the reverberations of these debates beyond the realm of environmental policy, highlighting an underappreciated legacy of the Valdez: the first credit default swap, executed in response to an unprecedented punitive fine leveled against Exxon. Illuminating the linked histories of environmental valuation, corporate environmentalism, and financialization through that event, I argue that environmental valuation is a political problem through which neoliberal strategies for the governance of life (both human and nonhuman) have been forged. 相似文献
237.
Robin H. Lemaire Keith G. Provan Liesbeth Mercken Scott J. Leischow 《International Public Management Journal》2017,20(3):467-488
The research reported here is an analysis of the evolution of the relationships that comprise a single public health network, focusing especially on the position of the network administrative organization (Provan and Kenis 2008) in the flow of knowledge among a large number of organizations providing similar services. Our study examines the North American Quitline Consortium (NAQC), a multi-sector network that spans the US and Canada and whose members provide telephone-based tobacco cessation services to anyone interested in quitting smoking. Data were collected using web-based surveys at three different points of time. Implications are discussed for network organizing, for both theory and practice, focusing especially on the importance of the network administrative organization in shaping the evolution of the whole network information flow. 相似文献
238.
Adrienne Davidson Matthew Lesch Maxime Héroux-Legault Tanya Whyte Zain Asaf Karol Czuba 《Regional & Federal Studies》2017,27(2):103-125
The maintenance of welfare state policies requires citizen support for the provision of a social safety net through taxation and redistribution. Research has shown that a diverse political polity presents a risk to the welfare state; however, Canada bucks the trend and does not see citizen support for economic redistribution decline in response to immigration-based population diversity. Using Canada as our case, we argue that scholars of welfare state politics and redistribution should turn their attention to other sources of population heterogeneity in an effort to better understand how different political cleavages affect citizens’ redistributive preferences. We use an online experimental survey to manipulate the in-group identity of 500 Canadians. The survey enables respondents to identify with other in-group identities along regional, linguistic, income-group, and urban/rural characteristics. Our results find that while Canadians do have a strong baseline preference for redistributive behaviour, regional and linguistic cleavages moderate this outcome. 相似文献
239.
Matthew Woessner Kathleen H. Winters Kyle C. Kopko 《Journal of Political Science Education》2017,13(2):225-238
Undergraduate public law courses often attract students with competing expectations. Some students enroll in these courses to prepare for law school, while others enroll in the courses to gain a broader understanding of courts in the American system of government. These differing student constituencies can create a dilemma for instructors. A course designed to cater to students with a general interest in the judiciary may not afford prelaw students with an appreciation for the demands of the legal profession. Conversely, a course narrowly tailored toward prelaw students risks alienating the majority of students for whom this class may be their only look at the judiciary. As a means to promote pedagogical balance and to appeal to varied student constituencies, we profile five public law simulations in this article that engage students in active learning and promote a greater understanding of law and courts. 相似文献
240.
Fred H. Lawson Matteo Legrenzi 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(1):76-87
Why the uprisings that broke out across the Middle East and North Africa in 2010-11 ousted the leaders of republics but left monarchies largely intact remains puzzling. One promising explanation for the resilience of monarchical regimes argues that monarchs exercise repression in a comparatively restrained and largely effective fashion. Proponents of this theory tend to conflate two crucial causal factors: the level of state coercion exercised against opposition activists and the degree of indiscriminateness with which coercion is deployed. By treating these variables as analytically distinct, a more compelling explanation for monarchical resilience can be advanced. The advantages of the revised argument are illustrated by revisiting the divergent trajectories of the uprisings in Bahrain, Oman, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. 相似文献