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31.
VALERIE P. HANS 《犯罪学》1986,24(2):393-414
Results from a public opinion survey of knowledge, attitudes, and support for the insanity defense indicate that people dislike the insanity defense for both retributive and utilitarian reasons: they want insane lawbreakers punished, and they believe that insanity defense procedures fail to protect the public. However, people vastly overestimate the use and success of the insanity plea. Several attitudinal and demographic variables that other researchers have found to be associated with people's support for the death penalty and perceptions of criminal sentencing are also related to support for the insanity defense. Implications for public policy are discussed.  相似文献   
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Abstract. This review attempts to assess the validity and usefulness of the arguments of the so-called 'International Regimes' approach and the political-institutional view with respect to economic policy formation and economic performance. In particular, the works of Keohane and Krasner on the one hand, and of Katzenstein on the other are examined. It turns out that both viewpoints can largely contribute to a better understanding of why economic interdependence is such a vital factor for domestic politics and policies. At the same time it appears also to be evident that 'corporatism' can be an asset in weathering the effects of these growing international economic pressures. Yet both approaches have serious theoretical and methodological weaknesses. The concept of 'International Regime' remains too vague and, in addition, is empirically difficult to pin down. Moreover, it seems unable to account for much extant discord.'Corporatism' is also prone to these faults as well as tending to over explain certain developments, which may render cross-national differences in economic performance as incomprehensible. Notwithstanding these shortcomings, there is so much to build on that both approaches merit further attention and discussion.  相似文献   
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Abstract — Departing from a conceptualisation of corruption as a form of symbolic violence, this article analyses the character and impact of the discourses about corruption which were produced in Yucatán in the beginning of the 1990s. The discourses produced by official and oppositional forces are scrutinised against the background of the federal government's neoliberal policies and the sociopolitical situation in the region during 1992 and 1993. The analysis gives some insights into the character of Mexican's and Yucatecan's experiences with corruption in their own setting. It explores some of the conflictual processes involved when social forces turn this form of symbolic violence into the object of moral critique in public discourses, drawing in this way also attention to how the state is imagined by those who exercise state power and those who are subject to it.  相似文献   
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In 1969 the Federal Republic of Germany abolished almost totally short prison terms in favor of fines. Between 1968 and 1971 the proportion of prison sentences was reduced by way of penal law reform from 23% to 7%. A corresponding decline in the number of prisoners per 100,000 could be observed within this period, too: whereas about 100/100,000 were incarcerated in 1969, the rate of incarceration in 1971 was 66/100,000. The dramatic decline in the number of prison sentences as well as in the number of prison inmates led to apprehensions that this change in sentencing policy might result in increasing rates of recidivism. A comparative analysis of recidivism after fines, prison sentences, as well as suspended sentences, was carried out in order to provide empirical evidence concerning this question.  相似文献   
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