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While the use of simulations in the international relations classroom has proliferated over the past decade, this pedagogical tool has been largely neglected in the comparative politics classroom. Simulations in comparative politics can be a useful component in teaching students about the diversity within foreign countries and the dynamic of domestic policymaking. We describe here an informative and easy-to-run simulation on Russian federalism which can be integrated into courses on Russian politics or easily adapted for use in other courses, especially those focusing on countries in which center-regional relations are an important dimension. The simulation is based on the Russian Federation Council, the upper house of the Russian Federal Assembly, and is a great way to illustrate through experiential learning the quid pro quo of Russian federalism. We provide detailed information on English-language sources that both instructors and students can use during the simulation, along with an Appendix and a Website that provides everything instructors need to run the simulation in their own classes. 相似文献
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Abstract Homeownership is an important social and financial achievement for most U.S. households. Various explanations have been offered for the large and persistent gap in the ownership rates of black and white households, but studies have consistently fallen short of identifying all of the causes. The data we used were derived from a survey of the residents of the Columbus, OH, area. We argue that differences in real estate market knowledge and information affect the tenure choice decisions of black and white households. We estimate a model that is augmented to include a measure of real estate knowledge and find that additional knowledge increases the likelihood of homeownership. This holds even when we account for the endogeneity of such knowledge. We conclude that differences in real estate knowledge contribute to explaining the racial gap in homeownership rates, a finding that can be addressed through public policy interventions such as counseling programs. 相似文献
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Vetting those who work with children and vulnerable adults is an emotive topic and one which can prove a challenging area for employers. The legitimate interest that parents, carers and employers have in screening those charged with the care of others can be in direct conflict with the most fundamental principles of economic freedom and employees’ human rights. The desire to balance these conflicting objectives is at the heart of the Safeguarding Vulnerable Groups Act 2006, which introduces what is being heralded as the most inclusive and comprehensive vetting and barring system to date. The changes dramatically widen the scope of workers who are subject to vetting and barring processes, covering employees, volunteers and contractors in the education, care and health industries, and affecting some 11.3 million people in the UK. This new scheme is of particular relevance and importance to schools and other educational institutions, who will be directly affected by the changes. This article will examine the practical employment implications of the new regime and the new obligations that the Vetting and Barring Scheme creates for both employers and employees. 相似文献
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In March of 2004, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services released new regulations that interpreted the Federal Physician Self Referral Act, otherwise known as Stark II. The new regulations, commonly referred to as the Phase II regulations, must be carefully considered when structuring physician compensation models. Stark II generally holds that physicians may not make a referral for designated health services to an entity with which they have a direct or indirect financial relationship. This Article outlines the provisions of Stark II that are applicable to physician compensation methodologies. In addition, the authors evaluate hypothetical transactions involving physician groups seeking viable compensation schemes and explore the validity and risks of each. 相似文献
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Ian Marsh 《Political studies》2005,53(1):22-42
This paper is a preliminary attempt to evaluate changing patterns of democratic governance, at least in Westminster-style parliamentary settings, and possibly more generally. It has two specific purposes: first, to propose a paradigm for evaluating the empirical evolution of democratic governance; and second, to illustrate the explanatory potential of this paradigm through a mini-case study of changing patterns of governance in one particular polity. The conceptual framework is drawn from March and Olsen's eponymous study (1995) from which polar ('thick' and 'thin') forms of democratic governance are derived. Four conjectures about its evolution are then explored. First, in its mass party phase, the pattern of democratic governance approximated the 'thick' pole. Second, the subsequent evolution of democratic politics has been in the direction of the 'thin' (minimalist or populist) pole. Third, the cause of this shift was a failure to adapt political institutions to changing citizen identities, which was masked by the ascendancy amongst political elites of the neo-liberal account of governance. Fourth, the paper considers the means by which democratic governance might be renewed. The approach is applied to explain changes in Australian politics over recent decades. 相似文献