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11.
Helmut Schmidt 《北京周报(英文版)》2014,(50):46-47
Dear Readers,Forum is a column that provides a space for varying perspectives on contemporary Chinese society.We invite you to submit personal viewpoints on past and current topics(in either English or Chinese).yanwei@bjreview.com Please provide your name and address along with your comments 相似文献
12.
The research reported here follows up on the long-standing discussion concerning the regional distribution of violent crime in Germany. It focuses on assault and robbery rates reported by the official German crime statistics for the years 2005–2007 in each of the 413 communal districts (“Kreise”). The discussions commonly contrast the eastern region (till 1990 the territory of the communist ruled “German Democratic Republic”) with the northern and the southern region of the (now) western part of the “Federal Republic of Germany”. It becomes obvious, however, that crime rates vary much more within than between these regions. More than half of the overall variation can be explained by two composite measures of relative deprivation and the level of urbanization. A number of additional variables have been tested for their explanatory power, including a newly constructed measure of disintegrative individualism. It successfully identifies a specific criminogenic potential associated with certain structural elements of a developing “knowledge society” and the rapid expansion of higher education. Apart from ordinary regression analyses various techniques of spatial data analysis have also been applied. 相似文献
13.
Helmut Kury Martin Brandenstein Joachim Obergfell-Fuchs 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2009,15(1-2):63-81
Over the last few years, international criminology has increasingly focussed parts of its research on whether there has been a rise in punitiveness in certain nations, and, if so, to what extent it is linked to social developments. In particular, the spread of globalisation corresponding fears and worries have been introduced into the discussion as possible influencing factors. Analyses often refer to the situation of the USA or Great Britain. The situation in continental Europe, however, is obviously a different one. In this contribution especially the situation in Germany will be described. The differentiated levels of punitiveness include attitudes in the population, legislation, sentencing, and enforcement of sentences. As concerns the attitudes within the population the results are partially contradictory, which particularly is due to the blurry concept and the different operationalisations of punitiveness. Overall the results of surveys show a tendency of slightly rising harshness for the population’s attitudes. On the level of legislation the criminal laws have in parts become harsher over the last decades. More statutory definitions of offences have been established, while comparable measures of decriminalisation have fallen away. Here a more distinct development towards punitiveness becomes evident. Case law, especially in the field of sentencing, also tends to become tighter. Eventually, for certain groups of criminals like sex and violent offenders a tendency towards a declination of early releases can be found. Today, these offender groups have to serve a larger proportion of their sentence than they had to in the 1970s. Overall these results in Germany indicate a slight rise of punitiveness that is most distinctly seen in the area of legislation. As to the attitudes to punishment within the population the data hardly suffice to claim a rise in punitiveness. 相似文献
14.
Helmut Würth 《wohnrechtliche bl?tter: wobl》2009,22(9):265-267
Da durch die Eile des Gesetzgebers die Regelungen über die Kaution nicht lange genug beraten und durchdacht werden konnten,
sind gerade im Verfahren Probleme ungel?st geblieben, die in der Lehre zu widersprüchlichen und praxisfremden Ergebnissen
führten. Daher will ich versuchen, praktikable L?sungen aufzuzeigen, die noch dem Willen des Gesetzgebers entsprechen. 相似文献
15.
Helmut Hirtenlehner 《Journal für Rechtspolitik》2009,17(1):13-22
Angst vor Kriminalität wird in den Medien überwiegend als präzise abgrenzbare Reaktion auf tatsächliche oder potenzielle Kriminalitätsgefahren dargestellt und im öffentlichen Diskurs auch gerne so verstanden. Von sozialwissenschaftlicher und kriminologischer Seite her wird ein solch enges Verständnis kriminalitätsassoziierter Unsicherheitsempfindungen zunehmend in Frage gestellt und Kriminalitätsfurcht immer mehr als Materialisierung unausgesprochener unterschwelliger Existenz- und Zukunftsängste betrachtet. Der vorliegende Beitrag geht der Frage nach, welches der beiden Verständnismodelle kriminalitätsbezogener Unsicherheitsgefühle sachlich angemessen scheint. Beginnend mit einem kurzen Rückgriff auf die Wissenschaftsgeschichte der Kriminalitätsfurchtforschung wird ein sozialwissenschaftlich-kriminologischer Bezugsrahmen entwickelt, der die Angst vor Straftaten in die allgemeine Befindlichkeit westlicher Gegenwartsgesellschaften einordnet. Aus diesem Theorierahmen werden drei Hypothesen abgeleitet, die anhand einer systematischen Sichtung der vorhandenen Forschungsliteratur überprüft werden. Hypothese eins geht von der Annahme aus, dass, wenn Kriminalitätsfurcht soziale Existenz- und Abstiegsängste zum Ausdruck bringt, sozial und ökonomisch prekäre Bevölkerungsgruppen eine erhöhte Furcht vor Verbrechen artikulieren müssen. Hypothese zwei postuliert eine enge Verknüpfung kriminalitätsbezogener Sicherheitsbedenken mit anders gelagerten Formen der Verunsicherung. Hypothese drei schließlich unterstellt einen engen Zusammenhang des Niveaus sozialer Sicherheit mit dem Ausmaß kriminalitätsassoziierter Befürchtungen, und zwar dahingehend, dass in Ländern mit leistungsfähigen, hoch entwickelten wohlfahrtsstaatlichen Sicherungsarrangements weniger Kriminalitätsangst beobachtbar ist als in Staaten mit grobmaschigeren sozialen Sicherungsnetzen. Die Ergebnisse einer umfassenden Literaturanalyse sind geeignet, alle drei Hypothesen zu untermauern. 相似文献
16.
Transfer restrictions have a long tradition in professional sports but came under heavy attack in recent years (e.g. Bosman
ruling, Monti system). Based on a bargaining model with stochastic player productivity, we show that less restrictive transfer
rules reallocate ex post bargaining power from players to clubs. This reallocation is efficient and in the ex ante self-interest
of players. The right to charge transfer fees enables clubs to insure their players. The players, in turn, benefit by converting
risky future income into riskless current income. Overall, player utility is higher under more than under less restrictive
transfer rules.
相似文献
Markus Lang (Corresponding author)Email: |
17.
Maxeiner H 《Archiv für Kriminologie》2008,221(3-4):65-86
The discussion concerning the causes of infantile subdural bleedings (SDB) as well as retinal hemorrhages has become quite controversial in the last few years. The long-standing interpretation that most of these cases are the result of abuse--especially by the shaken baby syndrome (SBS)--was doubted, and the role of accidental events was emphasized. In many cases, there are no objective witnesses who observed the incident and no unambiguous traces of abuse, so that the diagnosis "shaken baby syndrome" often has to be established indirectly. A subdural bleeding (SDB) in an infant can undoubtedly be due both to an accidental and an intentional injury. Therefore, the SDB itself does not allow to draw far-reaching conclusions as to its cause. However, if an infant died or was hospitalized in a deep coma with several bridging vein ruptures and minor subdural bleeding, these findings are not compatible with an alleged minor fall. In the presence of several bridging vein ruptures, most authors are of the opinion that this is the result of a significant traumatization. In contrast to most other reports, the reliable demonstration of BV ruptures is a routine element of the postmortem diagnostic procedures at the Berlin institute of forensic medicine. In this way, a mechanical trauma can be clearly identified as the cause of the infant's death. If several bridging veins are torn, this proves a significant trauma and rules out a banal incident. The current controversial discussion on the reliability of the SBS diagnosis often makes it difficult not only for the clinician, but also for the forensic expert, to draw safe conclusions in the presence of a combination of findings long considered typical of the shaken baby syndrome. This situation is the background for presenting and discussing the major SBS findings reported in the literature and comparing them with our own expiriences. In our opinion there is still no justification for a fundamental change in the position to interpret such cases as a consequence of severe trauma caused by another person. 相似文献
18.
19.
Werden zum Einbau vorgesehene Erzeugnisse nicht vom Hersteller selbst, sondern von einem H?ndler geliefert, so scheint diese
Spaltung von Hersteller- und H?ndlerrolle bei den nachfolgenden Gliedern der Ver?u?erungskette zu einer gravierenden Verschlechterung
ihrer Rechtsposition zu führen, wenn es wegen der vom Produzenten zu verantwortenden Mangelhaftigkeit der Erzeugnisse notwendig
wird, diese auszutauschen und daher ua Kosten für den Aus- und Einbau anfallen: Die Betroffenen – typischerweise Werkunternehmer
aber auch Endabnehmer – stehen mit dem Erzeuger selbst in keinem Vertragsverh?ltnis und ihr Vertragspartner, der H?ndler,
ist für den Herstellungsfehler nicht verantwortlich. Nach der jüngsten Rsp des EuGH kommt es jedoch dann, wenn der betroffene
Endabnehmer Verbraucher ist, trotzdem zu einer überw?lzung der Kosten auf den H?ndler; dessen Rückgriffsm?glichkeiten gegen
den Erzeuger bleiben allerdings offen. In der folgenden Untersuchung er?rtern die Autoren die M?glichkeiten einer sachgerechten,
den berechtigten Interessen aller Beteiligten Rechnung tragenden L?sung auf Grundlage der allgemeinen Regeln. 相似文献
20.
What happens when political party branding is modeled according to the preferences of either voters or party members? Employing the concept of brand identity and the analytical GAP model, this empirical study details the consequences of brand management decisions by political parties using the example of the two biggest parties in Germany. Strategic branding decisions have an impact not only on voting probabilities but also on their internal conflict potential, such as when a branding decision conflicts with the internal image a party maintains among its members. It thus can be highly beneficial for a political party to encourage its members to communicate their image of the party to other voters. 相似文献