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This article asks if, when, and why different groups of voters behave differently in the wake of economic downturns. We examine two Swedish elections (1994 and 2010) that were held just after two deep recessions (the financial crisis of 1991–1993 and the 2008–2009 Great Recession). We find that group differences were much larger in 2010 than they were in 1994. After the 1991–1993 recession, the government's electoral support declined across the board. In 2010, there were large differences between voters with low economic status (who were unlikely to support the government) and voters with high economic status (who were likely to do so). Our findings suggest that group differences in electoral behavior after an economic downturn depend on contextual differences across elections. We argue that future research should pay close attention to the magnitude of economic shocks, the development of asset prices (especially real estate), and changes in social policy. 相似文献
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Henrik Bech Seeberg 《West European politics》2020,43(4):772-794
AbstractA central part of representative democracy is that voters evaluate political parties based on how competently they handle issues, so-called ‘issue ownership’. Since issue ownership is a central ingredient in the vote choice, rival parties often try to influence how voters evaluate a competing party. This is an issue ownership attack. However, despite intense scholarly interest in issue ownership, the understanding of how parties shape issue ownership is very limited. Therefore a new theoretical model is tested here to understand issue ownership attack. Using several survey experiments, the analysis shows that a mainstream party can counteract another mainstream party’s issue ownership by reframing the issue and by blaming the party for its performance, but not by changing its own position on the issue. Hence, the study not only advances the understanding of issue ownership stability and change but also brings important insights on how parties influence voters. 相似文献
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This article describes the Danish system, tracing its roots from the days when the crown dealt with all matters involving the family. The role of the amtmen in granting divorce through this administrative process is described. A total of 94% of all divorces in Denmark are handled through this procedure. 相似文献
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Henrik Jordahl 《Public Choice》2012,150(1-2):385-385
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The concept of intergenerational justice has become ever more prevalent in discussions about welfare reform in Germany. For this reason, we analyse problems of justice between generations using the terminology of philosophical theories of justice. We argue that transfers by the welfare state and transfers by the family must be distinguished in the analysis of material and immaterial transfers between generations. As our empirical results show, problems of justice between generations arise mainly in the case of welfare state transfers. Subsequently, we describe the paradigms of intergenerational justice informing the public debate. Data from surveys over the past fifteen years show to what extend these (public) paradigms are shared by individuals in the German population. 相似文献
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