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451.
Ragnhild Overå 《发展研究杂志》2017,53(3):361-374
Oil and gas discoveries spurred expectations of economic growth and employment in Ghana. The demand for labour is however limited within offshore petroleum extraction. Employment generation therefore depends on the development of an onshore oil and gas service sector. This study examines the strategies adopted by local entrepreneurs in the ‘oil city’ of Takoradi, focusing on the gendered nature of their activities, skills, networks and capital sources. I argue that the petroleum industry’s male dominance and international standards requirements, coupled with gender constraints regarding work and access to relevant resources, limit female entrepreneurs’ creation of employment in this emerging sector. 相似文献
452.
This paper looks at the question of development by focusing on both Cuba and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. At the heart of the project is the notion of sustainability, and how to achieve well-being even in the most challenging conditions, isolated economies and sanction-laden realities. This is done by tracing both countries’ engagement and development in the fields of health and education. We suggest that political engagement with these countries should be prioritised, without challenging an established political order but with its consent, and with the hope that future generations are socialised to a culture of openness. 相似文献
453.
An impressive portfolio of case-study research has now demonstrated how and through what means the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) countries have sought higher social status. However, this field of research lacks systematic means of evaluating this status-seeking. This article fills this lacuna by developing a mixed-methods framework enabling scholars to zoom in and compare individual states’ relative status performance. Using diplomatic representation as a proxy for status recognition and comparing it to a country’s status resources (wealth), the framework indicates how successfully countries have generated recognition from the international society. The findings show that China’s economic ascent has been matched by increased recognition, and that South Africa enjoyed an almost immediate ‘status bounce’ following apartheid, turning it from a pariah to a significant overperformer. Russia should be understood as an ‘overperforming status-dissatisfied power’ while India’s status performance has been around ‘par’ for a country of its economic resources. Lastly, Brazil underperforms more than any of the other BRICS, especially since its democratic transition. The findings highlight considerable variance in the type and duration of gaps between status resource and recognition and suggests that rather than treating these as ‘inconsistencies’ awaiting correction, they can and should be accounted for by case study analyses. 相似文献
454.
Stéphane Duchesne Frank Vitaro Simon Larose Richard E. Tremblay 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2008,37(9):1134-1146
Previous research has provided mixed results regarding the effect of anxiety on academic achievement. Building on this body
of research, the present longitudinal study pursued two goals. The first goal was to describe trajectories of anxiety during
elementary-school years. The second goal was to determine the predictive value of these trajectories on high school noncompletion
after controlling for personal (i.e., gender, classroom behaviors, and academic achievement) and familial (i.e., sociofamilial
adversity) characteristics. A community sample of 1,817 children (887 boys, 930 girls) participated in this study. Results
showed that anxiety tended to fluctuate from kindergarten to Grade 6 for different groups of children. Furthermore, the result
of a logistic regression analysis indicated that group membership for anxiety predicted high school noncompletion by age 20.
As a whole, these findings suggest that considering heterogeneous developmental patterns of anxiety during elementary-school
years appears quite useful for predicting an important outcome such as high school noncompletion.
相似文献
Stéphane DuchesneEmail: |
455.
Stöberl 《Juristische Bl?tter》2010,132(10):673-674
Weist das trennende Element zwischen Werbung und Programm ebenfalls werbende Eigenschaften auf, ist die Trennung für den durchschnittlichen
Zuh?rer nicht mit der nach § 19 Abs 3 PrR-G erforderlichen Eindeutigkeit erkennbar. Dem PrR-G ist der Begriff des "Product-Placement"
fremd. 相似文献
456.
This research examined reactions towards female rape victims from a system justification perspective. Study 1 demonstrated
that gender-related system justification motivation (Modern Sexism) predicted the propensity to blame a female rape victim
among men, but not among women. Modern sexism predicted rape victim blaming among men even when statistically controlling
for a general antipathy towards women, and the results were unaffected by social desirability concerns. Consistent with previous
study on system justification theory, we demonstrated in Study 2 that system justification motivation can predict victim blaming
also among women, provided that complementary stereotypes about women have been activated. By contrast, system justification
motivation predicted men’s propensity to blame a rape victim irrespective of whether complementary stereotypes about women
had been experimentally activated. 相似文献
457.
Dr. Svenja Falk Prof. Dr. Andrea Römmele Henrik Schober M.A. Dr. Martin Thunert 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2010,51(1):119-125
In recent years, the field of political consulting and policy advice has gained growing attention and, thus, has been subject of important debates regarding its key concepts and theoretical foundations. This paper sets out to defend the authors' original thesis which has been challenged in the course of these debates. We argue that, along with classical oneway modes of consultation, a new way of interaction between political decision makers and consultants has emerged. The knowledge deriving from these cooperative discourses is not merely an external source for the preparation and legitimation of political decisions. It is integral part of the policy process and may unfold its potential as long as it meets the standards of epistemic and political robustness. 相似文献
458.
459.
Louise Frogner Henrik Andershed Odd Lindberg Marcus Johansson 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2013,19(4):333-350
This study examines a hot spot policing intervention where private security guards patrolled a specific area in the city centre of a mid-sized Swedish town during summer weekend evenings and nights, aiming to reduce the number of reported street violence incidents. A follow-up of the intervention, using previous years as a control was conducted to measure changes in the number of street violence rates before and during the intervention. The results show non-significant decreases in the number of reported street violence incidents during the intervention. The results can be interpreted in at least two ways: that the intervention had no effects; or that the small, but non-significant decreases observed, are indeed small effects that can be strengthened by modifying the implementation of the intervention. An additional analysis shows that the changes in crime rates are larger at times when the guards adapted a stricter hot spot policing approach, which indicates that with a more structured implementation of the intervention it might be possible to see larger effects. 相似文献
460.
A premise of the mass–elite linkage at the heart of representative democracy is that voters notice changes in political parties’ policy positions and update their party perceptions accordingly. However, recent studies question the ability of voters accurately to perceive changes in parties’ positions. The study advances this literature with a two-wave panel survey design that measured voters’ perception of party positions before and after a major policy shift by parties in the government coalition in Denmark 2011–2013. Two key findings extend previous work. First, voters do indeed pay attention to parties when they visibly change policy position. Second, voters update their perceptions of the party positions much more accurately than would have been expected if they merely relied on a ‘coalition heuristic’ as a rule-of-thumb. These findings imply that under some conditions voters are better able to make meaningful political choices than previous work suggests. 相似文献