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221.
One method of distinguishing stalking from law-abiding behavior is to determine whether the accused intended to cause fear or harm to the target. However, this distinction may not capture community concerns regarding intrusive or harassing behavior. The present research examines the effect of intent, persistence, relationship, and consequences on community perceptions of stalking. Responses of 1,080 members of the community to a series of scenarios indicated that the presence of explicit evidence of intent was not the only way stalking behavior was identified. Behavior was also identified as stalking as a greater degree of persistence was depicted. Females more often than males perceived the behavior as stalking and inferred intent to cause fear or harm. Most participants who identified the behavior as stalking also indicated that it should be illegal. These results may assist in guiding ongoing debates over appropriate stalking legislation and strategies to reduce the incidence of stalking, as well as indicating whether education regarding stalking laws is required. 相似文献
222.
Hon. René Dussault George Erasmus 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1997,40(1):108-122
Sommaire: Dans cette allocution, les co-présidents de la Commission royale sur les peuples autochtones présentent quelques-uns des principaux thèmes et conclusions du rapport final de la Commission. D'entrée de jeu, ils insistent sur l'urgence de changer la relation entre Autochtones et non-Autochtones au Canada. Dans sa forme actuelle, cette relation entraine un gigantesque gaspillage de potentiel, d'argent et de vies humaines, lequel est confirmé par les statistiques sur les taux de suicide, sur l'alcoolisme et la toxicomanie, sur l'incarcération, sur le chômage, sur la dépendance à l'égard de l'aide sociale, sur l'abandon scolaire préoce, sur le mauvais état de santé et sur les piètres conditions de logement. Le rapport propose une stratégie détaillée sur 20 ans pour restaurer la santé sociale, économique et politique des peuples autochtones et redéfinir leur relation avec l'ensemble des Canadiens. Cette stratégie comporte un double cheminement vers le changement: un nouvel équilibre des pouvoirs politiques et des ressources économiques, complété par un effort en we de restaurer la santé et l'efficacité des individus, des familles, des collectivités et des nations. Les co-présidents croient que le Canada devrait s'engager à réduire de 50% l'écart des conditions sociales et économiques entre Autochtones et non-Autochtones au cours des vingt prochaines années. Ils font valoir que le Canada ne peut plus se permettre de maintenir l'actuel régime de dépendance, de productivité perdue et de dépenses sociales sans cesse croissantes. En effet, on estime à un peu plus de 13 milliards de dollars la somme que tous les gouvernements vont dépenser en 1996 rela-tivement aux Autochtones. Cette wmme pourrait passer à plus de 17 milliards annuellement dans 20 ans, du seul fait de la croissance démographique. Abstract: In this article, the co-chairs of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples present some of the major themes and conclusions of the final report of the commission. From the outset, they insist on the urgency of altering the relationship between aboriginal and non aboriginal people in Canada. As it now stands, that relationship is one of waste: wasted potential, wasted money, wasted lives. It is measured in statistic after statistic: in the rates of suicide, of substance abuse, of incarceration, of welfare dependance, of low educational attainment, of poor health and poor housing. The report proposes a comprehensive strategy over 20 years to restore the social, economic and political health to aboriginal peoples and rebuild their relationship with all Canadians. It entails the pursuit of two mutually reinforcing paths to change: rebalancing political authority and economic resources; and a reinforcing effort to restore health and effectiveness to individuals, families, communities and nations. It is the co-chairs' belief that Canada should commit to reducing by fifty per cent the gap between the social and economic condition of aboriginal and non aboriginal people over the next twenty years. They point out that Canada can no longer afford to maintain the current regime of dependency, lost productivity and ever-growing social expenditures. Indeed, the amount all governments will spend in 1996 in relation to aboriginal peoples is estimated at just over $13 billion. This could rise to over $17 billion annually in twenty years as a result of demographic pressure alone. 相似文献
223.
224.
Ailsa G. Thomson Zainu'ddin 《澳大利亚女权主义者研究》1988,3(6):137-147
Gabrielle Baldwin, Women at Monash (Monash University) Clayton, Victoria, 1985; Bettina Cass, Madge Dawson, Diana Temple, Sue Willis, Anne Winkler, Why So Few? Women Academics in Australian Universities (Sydney University Press) Sydney, 1983; Madge Dawson and Heather Radi (eds), Against the Odds. Fifteen professional women reflect on their lives and careers (Hale & Iremonger) Sydney, 1984; Patricia Grimshaw and Lynne Strahan (eds), The Half Open Door. Sixteen modern Australian women look at professional life and achievements (Hale & Iremonger) Sydney, 1982; Farley Kelly, Degrees of Liberation. A short history of women in the University of Melbourne, Women Graduates’ Centenary Committee of the University of Melbourne, 1985; Alison Mackinnon, The New Women. Adelaide's early women graduates, Wakefield Press in association with the University of Adelaide Foundation, 1986. 相似文献
225.
226.
Robert Thomson 《European Journal of Political Research》2001,40(6):171-197
To what extent are the contents of party election programmes congruent with subsequent government policy actions? Existing research on the fulfilment of pre–election pledges focuses on systems of government in which executives formed by a single parties are the norm. This study extends this research to coalition systems of government. Specific policy proposals made by the main Dutch parties in their recent election programmes are identified and compared with subsequent government policy actions. Hypotheses about the conditions under which pledges are more likely to be acted upon are formulated and tested. Although clear linkages between election programmes and subsequent policies are found, pledges made by prospective coalition parties in the Netherlands are less likely to be acted upon than those made by prospective governing parties in the United Kingdom. Prominent features of cabinet government, such as the allocation of ministerial portfolios and the coalition policy agreement, are found to influence the likelihood of pledges being fulfilled. In addition, consensus between parties is also found to increase the likelihood of government actions responding to election pledges. 相似文献
227.
A survey of 355 judges examined the differences in judicial satisfaction between those assigned to problem-solving courts—such as drug treatment and unified family—and judges in other more traditional assignments such as family law and criminal courts. The unified family court systems, like drug treatment courts, have generally adopted the principles of therapeutic jurisprudence. Significant differences were found on each of the three survey scales: (1) helpfulness, (2) attitude toward litigants, and (3) positive effects of assignment. The judges who were in the problem-solving courts (drug treatment and unified family court) scored higher on all three scales than those who were not (traditional family and criminal court). The group of problem-solving court judges consistently scored higher than the other group of judges, with the drug treatment court judges scoring the highest. The group of traditional criminal court and family court judges scored less positively, with the criminal court judges having the lowest scores. The problem-solving court judges were more likely to report believing that the role of the court should include helping litigants address the problems that brought them there and were more likely to observe positive changes in the litigants. They were also more likely to believe that litigants are motivated to change and are able to do so. They felt more respected by the litigants and were more likely to think that the litigants were grateful for help they received. The problem-solving court judges were also more likely to report being happy in their assignments and to believe that these assignments have a positive emotional effect on them. 相似文献
228.
Adhesive tape-lifts are a commonly used technique for the recovery of DNA from forensic exhibits. Examination of large forensic exhibits or tape-lifts from old “cold” cases can make the direct submission of the tapes for extraction difficult. By applying a swab loaded with an organic solvent to the tape-lift, any DNA bound to the tape can be transferred and concentrated on to the swab head. Whilst removing any DNA, the tape's glue adhesive is also transferred. This requires a modified extraction technique that can dissolve the adhesive whilst maintaining the integrity of any DNA. Of several solvents tested, xylene was shown to be the solvent of choice, efficiently removing the adhesive and any bound DNA. A modified chelex extraction method, again incorporating xylene, provided optimal conditions for dissolving the adhesive and releasing the DNA for lysis. 相似文献
229.
Based on the worldwide movement toward climate change, voluntary reporting of greenhouse gases is something every business—large and small—should consider doing now. Reporting makes sound business sense and will become mandatory in the US within the next few years. It provides a competitive advantage, baseline protection, input to new regulations, and preparation for emissions trading.
This article suggests that corporate officers have a fiduciary duty to voluntarily report. Not reporting could cost their companies money, unnecessary time catching up, reputation damage, and potential lawsuits from shareholders who believe that the corporate officers knew or should have known to investigate the issue and react. 相似文献
230.
Jennifer Thomson 《The Political quarterly》2018,89(1):100-107
In recent years, several decisions have been made regarding the devolution of abortion laws from central government at Westminster to the devolved regions of the United Kingdom. This article considers the decision to devolve abortion law to Scotland. It addresses Westminster debates from the time, employing a discursive analysis to examine the arguments made for this legislative move. It argues that the debate was largely a proxy argument for the broader question of Westminster–Edinburgh relations and Scottish independence. It further argues that utilising abortion in this way is problematic, and politicises an area which is better seen as an issue solely of women's rights. 相似文献