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201.
Following a first wave of reform at the beginning of the decade, the system of patient and public involvement in healthcare governance is being further overhauled under the Local Government and Public Involvement in Health Act 2007 and the Health and Social Care Act 2008. The current reforms reflect a significant shift in dominant political discourse from an earlier concern with patient and public involvement towards a more exclusive focus on consumer choice and economic regulation, with collective voice and citizen participation at best playing a subordinate part in the government's NHS modernisation agenda. While there is some potential for increased responsiveness in the new arrangements, the overall effect is likely to be a weakening of the foundations of democratic decision making in the governance of healthcare in England. 相似文献
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Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Despite growing evidence that racial-ethnic discrimination has a critical impact on college students of color, there is a shortage of longitudinal studies... 相似文献
203.
A Closer Look at Peer Discrimination,Ethnic Identity,and Psychological Well-being Among Urban Chinese American Sixth Graders 总被引:3,自引:2,他引:1
Recent research suggests that although ethnic discrimination may have negative consequences for psychological well-being among
youth of Chinese descent as it does for other ethnic groups, ethnic identity beliefs may buffer against such effects. Data
for this study were drawn from the Early Adolescent Cohort Study, an investigation of contextual influences on the social,
emotional, and academic adjustment of youth in ethnically diverse New York City middle schools. The present study sample consists
of Chinese American (n = 84) and African American (n = 119) sixth graders. Results suggest that Chinese American youths’ own positive affect toward their ethnic group (private
regard) was positively associated with higher self-esteem. In addition, the more favorably Chinese American youth perceived
that others view their group (public regard), the fewer depressive symptoms they reported. In addition, among Chinese American
youth, more favorable public regard attenuated the negative relationship between peer ethnic discrimination and depressive
symptoms. The implications of these findings are discussed in light of the commonalities among ethnic and racial minority
groups’ experiences of discrimination as well as the unique challenges that Chinese American youth face.
Deborah Rivas-Drake is an Assistant Professor of Education at Brown University. She received her Ph.D. in Education and Psychology from the University of Michigan. Her major research interests include the development of ethnic identity in adolescence and its implications for academic and psychological well-being. Diane Hughes is an Associate Professor of Applied Psychology, Steinhardt School of Culture, Education, and Human Development, New York University. She is a co-Principal Investigator of the NYU Center for Research on Culture, Development, and Education. Niobe Way is a Professor of Applied Psychology, New York University. She is a co-Principal Investigator of the NYU Center for Research on Culture, Development, and Education. 相似文献
Deborah Rivas-DrakeEmail: |
Deborah Rivas-Drake is an Assistant Professor of Education at Brown University. She received her Ph.D. in Education and Psychology from the University of Michigan. Her major research interests include the development of ethnic identity in adolescence and its implications for academic and psychological well-being. Diane Hughes is an Associate Professor of Applied Psychology, Steinhardt School of Culture, Education, and Human Development, New York University. She is a co-Principal Investigator of the NYU Center for Research on Culture, Development, and Education. Niobe Way is a Professor of Applied Psychology, New York University. She is a co-Principal Investigator of the NYU Center for Research on Culture, Development, and Education. 相似文献
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Christopher W. Hughes 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2002,15(3):421-433
The study of globalisation carries important conceptual insights into the contemporary security agenda following the events of September 11th 2001 ('9/11'). This article argues that globalisation can be defined in a variety of ways, ranging from liberalisation to Westernisation, and can also be extended into concepts of supra-territorialisation. In combination, these definitions help to explain the generation of 9/11 style-conflict by providing the political-economic motivation for hyper-terrorism, by facilitating the political identities and activities of non-state actors; and by creating an environment for the global reach of terror movements. Additionally, the interconnection between globalisation and security can be seen in the response of the United States to 9/11 and its striving to project military power on a global scale with declining reference to time and geographical distance, and the varied ability of sovereign states to respond to the challenge of trans-sovereign security problems in the future. 相似文献
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Christopher W Hughes 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2007,20(2):325-338
Japan, in responding to US expectations for support in the ‘war on terror’, has displayed a degree of strategic convergence on global security objectives, thus prompting policy-makers and observers to dub it the ‘Great Britain of the Far East’. This article argues, however, that Japan is far from assuming this role. For Japan, the ‘war on terror’ serves more as a political pretext for legitimating long-planned changes in military security policy that are often only marginally related to the US's anti-terrorism agenda. Instead, Japan has focused much more on using the terror threat rationale as a means to push forward its response to the regional and traditional security challenges of North Korea and China, even if at times it attempts to depict both as ‘new security challenges’ or as involving elements of counterterrorism. The final conclusion is that US military hegemony may be weakened by Japan's and the Asia-Pacific's potential divergence from the US global security agenda. 相似文献
210.
Geraint Hughes 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2003,14(3):106-130
This article examines Harold Wilson's attempts to promote a peaceful solution to the Vietnam war during his first term in office as Britain's Prime Minister, with particular reference to his discussions with the Soviet Premier, Alexei Kosygin, in London in February 1967. Wilson's diplomatic efforts were influenced by his intention to improve Anglo-Soviet relations, and by his belief that the United Kingdom could help develop East-West contacts and facilitate the process of detente. In conclusion, this article argues that the failure of the Sunflower initiative in February 1967 was due not to the intervention of American 'hawks', as Wilson supposed, but to the convoluted clash of interests of the powers involved either directly or indirectly in the Vietnam war - the USA, USSR, China, and North Vietnam - which handicapped third-parry peace initiatives. 相似文献