全文获取类型
收费全文 | 974篇 |
免费 | 32篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 101篇 |
工人农民 | 40篇 |
世界政治 | 119篇 |
外交国际关系 | 72篇 |
法律 | 385篇 |
中国政治 | 5篇 |
政治理论 | 262篇 |
综合类 | 22篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 10篇 |
2020年 | 5篇 |
2019年 | 20篇 |
2018年 | 22篇 |
2017年 | 31篇 |
2016年 | 33篇 |
2015年 | 20篇 |
2014年 | 25篇 |
2013年 | 162篇 |
2012年 | 30篇 |
2011年 | 23篇 |
2010年 | 24篇 |
2009年 | 23篇 |
2008年 | 28篇 |
2007年 | 28篇 |
2006年 | 34篇 |
2005年 | 27篇 |
2004年 | 27篇 |
2003年 | 29篇 |
2002年 | 31篇 |
2001年 | 29篇 |
2000年 | 37篇 |
1999年 | 30篇 |
1998年 | 21篇 |
1997年 | 25篇 |
1996年 | 22篇 |
1995年 | 12篇 |
1994年 | 23篇 |
1993年 | 13篇 |
1992年 | 15篇 |
1991年 | 14篇 |
1990年 | 9篇 |
1989年 | 6篇 |
1988年 | 9篇 |
1987年 | 9篇 |
1986年 | 7篇 |
1985年 | 10篇 |
1984年 | 6篇 |
1983年 | 11篇 |
1982年 | 6篇 |
1981年 | 8篇 |
1980年 | 7篇 |
1979年 | 6篇 |
1978年 | 7篇 |
1976年 | 5篇 |
1975年 | 2篇 |
1974年 | 5篇 |
1973年 | 3篇 |
1970年 | 3篇 |
排序方式: 共有1006条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
32.
33.
Ian Fraser 《Political studies》2003,51(4):759-774
Charles Taylor's engagement with Marx and the Marxist tradition has been relatively neglected in the literature on his work. This is a strange omission, because he was not only a pivotal figure in the development of the New Left, but also wrote many pieces which critically engaged with the main principles of Marx and Marxism. This paper re-examines Taylor's engagement with Marxism and thereby exposes a neglected element in his political philosophy. The following themes emerge: the self; Taylor's conception of the affirmation of ordinary life; democracy; ecology; and religion. In one area at least, the affirmation of ordinary life, a crucial element of Marxism is retained and positively endorsed by Taylor. In relation to the other themes, while he raises important issues for Marxist theory, he is, at times, far too quick to dismiss Marx's arguments and also misses similarities between those arguments and his own work. 相似文献
34.
Ian Holland 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2004,63(2):3-15
Parliamentary scrutiny of government ministers is limited by the convention that one house of parliament cannot compel a member of the other house to appear before it. This convention limits the Senate's capacity to examine ministers who are members of the House of Representatives. It has its origins in UK parliamentary practice, and is given alleged legal force in Australia by virtue of section 49 of Australia's constitution. That section effectively says that Australia's current parliamentary powers, privileges and immunities are those of the UK House of Commons in 1901.
However analysis of UK practice prior to the twentieth century reveals a surprising picture. Far from protecting members of one house from the other house's inquiries, it would seem that invitations issued by one chamber to a member of the other were never refused, an element of 'custom and practice' now conveniently overlooked. Furthermore, the purpose of the powers had nothing to do with protecting ministers. On the contrary, their origins He in a desire to ensure the strength of parliamentary accountability. If modern Australian practice is to be true to historical House of Commons practice, consideration should be given to ensuring that each chamber does have guaranteed access to ministers of the other house. 相似文献
However analysis of UK practice prior to the twentieth century reveals a surprising picture. Far from protecting members of one house from the other house's inquiries, it would seem that invitations issued by one chamber to a member of the other were never refused, an element of 'custom and practice' now conveniently overlooked. Furthermore, the purpose of the powers had nothing to do with protecting ministers. On the contrary, their origins He in a desire to ensure the strength of parliamentary accountability. If modern Australian practice is to be true to historical House of Commons practice, consideration should be given to ensuring that each chamber does have guaranteed access to ministers of the other house. 相似文献
35.
European Journal of Political Research - 相似文献
36.
Ian Bruff 《英国政治学与国际关系杂志》2005,7(2):261-280
This article assesses various contributions to the globalisation debate. It takes as its basis the split in the political economy literature between three 'waves' of analysis, and provides an overview of each in the first part of the article. A progression towards a more sophisticated understanding of 'globalisation' has taken place with the emergence of each wave, with the third wave representing the most refined account. The second section suggests neo-Gramscian theory can overcome the shortcomings of the otherwise praiseworthy third wave. In particular, the work of Stuart Hall is presented as appropriate for the study of globalisation, and political economy in general. The article concludes by calling for greater cross-pollination of ideas between the various critical theories of political economy. 相似文献
37.
Stuart Shapiro 《Policy Sciences》2008,41(1):33-49
The notice and comment rulemaking process is a fundamental part of how agencies write regulations. While this process is starting
to receive more empirical attention, the question of how the number of comments that an agency receives affects its decision-making
process has received little examination. This paper uses Boolean analysis to examine nine rules from two agencies at the Department
of Health and Human Services and evaluates the impact of a high volume of comments on agency changes to proposed rules and
the time an agency takes to finalize a proposed rule. These nine cases suggest that agencies are most likely to change their
proposals when they receive a high volume of comments on highly complex rules that are not very politically salient. Highly
complex rules are also likely to take a long time to finalize when there are many public comments however it is often other
factors that cause a long delay between proposed and final rules.
相似文献
Stuart ShapiroEmail: |
38.
39.
Yi‐Hong Liao BS Jae‐Sang Hyun PhD Michael Feller MS Tyler Bell PhD Ian Bortins BS James Wolfe MS David Baldwin PhD Song Zhang PhD 《Journal of forensic sciences》2021,66(1):112-128
The forensic science community raised the need for improved evidence recognition, collection, and visualization analytical instrumentation for field and laboratory use. While the 3D optical techniques for imaging static objects have been extensively studied, there is still a major gap between current knowledge and collecting high‐quality footwear and tire impression evidence. Among optical means for 3D imaging, digital fringe projection (DFP) techniques reconstruct 3D shape from phase information, achieving camera‐pixel spatial resolution. This paper presents a high‐resolution 3D imaging technology using DFP techniques dedicated to footwear and tire impression capture. We developed fully automated software algorithms and a graphical user interface (GUI) that allow anyone without training to operate for high‐quality 3D data capture. We performed accuracy evaluations and comparisons comparing with the commercial high‐end 3D scanner and carried out qualitative tests for various impressions comparing with the current practices. Overall, our technology achieves similar levels of accuracy and resolution with a high‐end commercially available 3D scanner, while having the merits of being (1) more affordable; (2) much easier to operate; and (3) more robust. Compared with the current practice of casting, our technology demonstrates its superiority because it (1) is non‐destructive; (2) collects more evidence detail than casts, especially when an impression is fragile; (3) requires less time and money to collect each piece of evidence; and (4) results in a digital file that can easily be shared with other examiners. 相似文献
40.
Ian R. Curry 《环境索赔杂志》2020,32(1):77-100
AbstractAs the largest source of carbon-free energy in the United States, nuclear energy must play a vital role in reducing emissions. This article suggests the Green New Deal, an ambitious federal proposal to address climate change, should aim to preserve the existing nuclear fleet by authorizing states to establish zero emission credit (“ZEC”) programs. The ZEC programs will provide credits, in the form of revenue, for the carbon-free attribute of nuclear energy. This article posits the ZEC programs should be based on a model ZEC program developed by the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission and explicitly authorized by amendment of the Federal Power Act to avoid issues of preemption. 相似文献